In this week’s “Weekly Rights Podcast”: the mother of Neda Agha Soltan, Hajar Rostami, seeks help from the international community to find the murderer of her daughter; Massoud Shafiee, lawyer for the three American hikers, tells the Campaign that his clients should have been released months ago under Iranian law; according to confidential sources, hundreds of prisoners in Mashad’s Vakil Abad Prison have been sentenced to death by hanging; Mourning Mothers, a group for women who have lost a family member to post-election violence, urges families to take seriously the lingering psychological effects of torture; thirty-three year old Moharram Chegini was murdered on June 15, 2009 during post-election violence, now his wife Massoumeh Chegini is being offered blood money to drop a lawsuit over his death; and the United Nations Anti-Racism Committee has called on Iran to end its discriminatory policies against ethnic and religious minorities.

Human rights lawyer Nasrin Sotoudeh

(1 September 2010) Authorities in the Islamic Republic of Iran are continuing to arrest and jail civil society activists while persecuting and prosecuting independent lawyers, the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran reported today.

“With a majority of Iranian human rights activists and lawyers already imprisoned or forced into exile, their remaining colleagues are systematically being taken down by the government of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad,” Aaron Rhodes, a Campaign spokesperson said.

Shirin Ebadi, the 2003 Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, told the Campaign, “The Judiciary’s lack of independence is resulting in persecution of lawyers. If we look at the Judiciary’s approach during the past year, we see that lawyers defending political prisoners have all been targeted,” said Ebadi.

Ebadi noted that prominent lawyers Mohammad Ali Dadkhah and Abdolfattah Soltani have both been imprisoned during the past year and released on large bails, Mohammad Seifzadeh is awaiting his trial, Mohammad Oliaeifar is serving a one year prison sentence, and Shadi Sadr and Mohammad Mostafaie have been forced into exile.

Two members of the One Million Signatures Campaign advocating for gender equality, Fatemeh Masjedi and Maryam Bidgoli, have been sentenced to one year in prison. On 22 August, security forces arbitrarily detained human rights activists Hassan Asadi Zeidabadi and Ali Jamali. Prominent human rights lawyer, Nasrin Sotoudeh, has been summoned and her assets frozen.

In an interview with the Campaign, Sotoudeh said that a new method of persecuting human rights lawyers by the authorities is to make unfounded financial allegations on tax grounds.

“I was referred to the taxation bureau and while there I noticed in addition to my name, they are conducting special investigations into thirty human rights lawyers,” Sotoudeh told the Campaign. She noted that while human rights lawyers take on cases on pro-bono bases, authorities are using bogus tax charges to prosecute them.

Sotoudeh said she believes these developments are aimed at putting an end to any legal defense by the human rights community. “The only institution capable of defending lawyers is the Bar Association, but the authorities are putting it under tremendous pressure and attempting to incorporate it into the Judiciary and take away its independence,” she said.

With the arrests of Ali Jamali and Hassan Asadi Zeidabadi, almost all members of the Central Council of ADVAR, a student alumni organization devoted to human rights and social enhancement, have been arbitrarily imprisoned. ADVAR is a group of young Iranian citizens committed to improving the welfare of the people of Iran, and committed to peaceful methods and nonviolence to promote and protect Iranian citizens’ human rights. The Campaign is aware of no evidence that justifies prosecuting members of this group, and indeed, no such evidence has been presented in trials in which its members have been convicted and sentenced. The arrests and prosecution of ADVAR members have thus been politically motivated and at variance with Iranian and international law.

The Change for Equality website reported that two women’s rights activists and members of the One Million Signatures Campaign, Maryam Bidgoli and Fatemeh Masjedi, were sentenced to prison terms of one year following their conviction on charges of “spreading propaganda against the state, through the collection of signatures for changing discriminatory laws and publication of materials in support of a feminist group (Campaign) which works in opposition to the Regime.” Both women denied the charges in their trial in the Second Branch of the Revolutionary Courts in Qom, explaining that the activities of the One Million Signatures Campaign are not in violation of any Iranian laws. Mina Jafari and Mahnaz Parakand, lawyers representing the women’s human rights defenders, plan to appeal the verdict.

The Campaign expressed its serious concern over the abuse of judicial powers by Iranian authorities to target members of the human rights community and civil society activists.

Hajar Rostami, Neda Agha Soltan's mother spoke with the Campaign.

In an interview with the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, Neda Agha Soltan’s mother, Hajar Rostami, appealed to international human rights organizations and the international court in The Hague to help prosecute her daughter’s murderer.
More than one year after Neda Agha Soltan’s shocking death before the eyes of the world, her mother is seeking justice. Rostami told the Campaign that the family’s efforts to find her daughter’s murderer have been fruitless. “I have nothing further to tell the government. I have kept my silence all this time. Now I want the world to help me find Neda’s murderer. I have lost my child and my life has been turned upside down. Every time I return from her grave site, it feels as though my daughter only just died and we just buried her,” she told the Campaign.

Rostami told the Campaign that Iranian authorities have not put any pressure on her after her daughter’s death. However, she complained about the widespread efforts to distort the truth about her daughter’s death. She referred to the “documentaries” broadcast by the state-controlled Television, Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), and statements made by some Iranian authorities, such as Friday Prayer leaders and specifically, statements made by Ezzatollah Zarghami, director of the IRIB.

“I didn’t see the film, I only heard about it. I don’t want to see it! I have no opinions about it. They have broadcast three films and each time contradicted their earlier claims. As Neda’s mother, as far as I know, she went out to protest and was killed by their forces; there is no other story,” said Rostami.

“They want to say that this is a free country, that everyone can express their opinions, and that there is complete freedom in Iran. This is not true at all,” she said about the goals such programs pursue. The Campaign asked Rostami whether she believes the contents of the IRIB documentaries. “No one believes these lies, neither Iranian people nor those abroad. They said her murderer was a woman. What had Neda done for a woman to kill her? I know who the murderer is, but government agents don’t accept it,” she said.

Rostami emphasized that she has maintained silence each time state television made another documentary. “They killed Neda in broad daylight. I filed a complaint, but so far I haven’t gotten very far. Now you want me to file a suit about the documentary film?” she said. She told the Campaign that when she sees this treatment, the only thing that is a solace to her is to see worldwide support. “They said ‘we didn’t make the film which showed Neda had committed suicide.’ I said ‘well, your broadcasting organization aired it! How can you say you didn’t know about it?!’ They said ‘we are going to make a film and show who killed Neda.’ In that film, they introduced the murderer as a woman. When I objected to the film that claimed Neda had committed suicide they said, ‘Voice your objections in the newspapers.’ I said what could I say in a newspaper which is published by the government?” she said.

Neda Agha Soltan’s mother talked about the reasoning offered by the Islamic Republic authorities in exonerating themselves from involvement in the incident. “They say, ‘you know well that the government did not kill Neda. Neda’s death was suspicious. Maybe several people were killed during the events, but we didn’t kill Neda. These are conspiracies to make the Islamic Republic look bad to the world. They wanted to destroy the Islamic Republic with Neda’s murder.’ But making these films made things look even worse for them,” Rostami said.

Rostami told the Campaign that security forces have put pressure on the Agha Soltan family for television interviews. “They told me that the government is not the murderer of my daughter, therefore I should go to the TV station or wherever I like, to talk about this. I said to them that I know Neda’s murderer and this is why I would never go to their television. They said that as her parents, we should participate in the Crossroads film. I replied that I would never go the broadcasting network whose head is Mr. Zarghami who once said that Neda was an actress, that she was acting when she turned her eyes like that,” she said.

Neda Agha Soltan’s music teacher, Hamid Panahi, and her friend, Setareh, have participated in the Crossroads documentary film. “After Neda’s memorial service, I went and picked up some of her things from Mr. Panahi and I never saw him again. I mean I didn’t want to see him again, because I believe that someone who can go to Ministry of Intelligence is capable of doing anything. Of course, I reserve him the right to do as he wishes,” Hajar Rostami said.

“A friend of mine called me from the US the other day and said that she had had a dream about Neda. In her dream, Neda told her to tell her parents to file suit against her murderer in Iran, and if they couldn’t, to file a suit with the court at the Hague. I see your call on me as a continuation of my friend’s dream about Neda,” she added.

“Mr. Zarghami claimed Neda was an actress because she had her eyes open as she passed away. I want to tell him to put himself in my place for a second. His words have had a terrible impact on me. God knows Neda was not an actress, she was a young woman like other youth. She went to protest for her freedom. Why should she be called an actress? Mr. Zarghami, Neda’s eyes kept open and will remain open until they reach a conclusion. If she had closed her eyes, maybe it wouldn’t have had the same impact. Her open eyes shook the world, shook the Iranian nation, ” Hajar Rostami concluded.

News Background:

Neda Agha Soltan, born 23 January 1983, is one of dozens of people who were murdered during the 2009 post-election protests in Tehran. She was murdered in Tehran’s Amir Abad neighborhood, on the corner of Shahid Salehi Street and Khosravi Alley. No one has assumed responsibility for Neda Agha Soltan’s murder so far. During the months following her death, Iran’s state television network, the IRIB, and several Islamic Republic authorities have repeatedly presented different scenarios regarding her death.

The 28 August 2010 statement describes the effects of psychological and physical torture on four political prisoners. “Hessam Tarmasi, who is a 19-year-old young man who spent one year in prison, has been hospitalized for kidney disease and severe depression. Narges Mohammadi, the Spokesperson for Center for the Defense of Human Rights and mother of two three-year-old toddlers must be re-hospitalized following the deterioration of her psychological and physical condition after release from prison. Mahboubeh Karami, a women’s rights activist has had to be hospitalized due to physical conditions caused by inactivity inside prison and severe depression. Hamzeh Karami, a former IRGC Commander has been hospitalized in an Intensive Care Unit due to physical and psychological torture at Evin Prison,” said the statement.

“As most released prisoners have faced different illnesses due to psychological, mental, physical, and sexual torture, some of which have led to death, the Laleh Park Mourning Mothers feel obligated to warn families of prisoners about the regrettable cases which have happened so far, so that they can strive to restore the health of the released prisoners, especially young people who do not have enough experience about the dangers and effects of torture,” the statement added.

“During the first days after a loved one’s release, seriously pursue complete tests and medical monitoring on all organs, especially kidneys, brain, and nervous system, so that the extremely bitter experience of the Kahrizak tragedy and similar cases will not be repeated. Ahmad Nejati Kargar, 22, slipped into a coma three days after his release due to kidney failure and died,” the Mourning Mothers warned the families.

The statement emphasized that the mentioned examples are only a part of what is happening inside Iranian prisons. “While according to the Islamic Republic of Iran’s laws, torture is illegal and a prisoner has legal rights, sometimes a prisoner has to go on a hunger strike to demand his minimum legal rights. As witnessed, 17 of the best Iranians endured a prolonged hunger strike [at Evin Prison] in order to demand their most basic rights and we remain concerned about the consequences of this hunger strike and our loved ones’ health.”

“History has shown that such lack of compassion and injustice will not go unanswered. But as mothers and family members of prisoners, we must pay sufficient attention to the health of our loved ones and not lose any time, striving to help our children gain their relative health, knowing that the effects of torture will never completely disappear,” the statement concludes.

In an interview with the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, Mahsa Amrabadi, the wife of the prisoner of conscience and journalist Masoud Bastani, said she is concerned about her husband’s health. “Masoud has had severe toothache, which have not been addressed and treated. As a result, the infection in his teeth has spread to his jaws and mouth. Since he’s been in prison for more than a year, his health has weakened, and this has further compounded his suffering,” she said.
In regards to her husband’s sentence, Amrabadi said: “This is a very heavy sentence, and the cash fine is beyond our family’s ability to pay. Masoud was charged with collusion, creating riots, and propaganda against the regime, none of which has a cash fine as punishment. We don’t even know on what basis this amount is levied against him.” “The family of Masoud Bastani wanted a retrial, but the fact is that we did not have any hope that the judge would grant it,” she added.
Mahsa Amrabadi spoke of discrimination in her husband’s case. “Masoud was arrested due to his cooperation with the Jomhouriyat website, which during the presidential election was openly in support of Mir Hossein Mousavi. Masoud was the site’s afternoon editor, which is the fourth level of responsibility. Fortunately, now the site’s senior officials are free on bail, but Masoud has been denied even sick leave for treatment of his toothache, which is the natural right of a prisoner. This discrimination hurts us very much.”
“Masoud is a journalist and he has never been seeking wealth and power. The only thing that he wanted was a position on an editorial board with a regular and steady income. But, unfortunately, the judicial authorities do not understand this, and treat journalists like they would secretary-generals of political parties. Ultimately, the fact is that these people supported candidates who were qualified to run by the Guardian Council,” she added.
“After three months of solitary confinement and after interrogations, Masoud was brought to a show trial at which he not only didn’t have access to a lawyer, but he was also not informed of his charges,” she concluded.

Lawyer Mohammad Oliaifar, a former head of the Research and Education Unit of the Human Rights Activists in Iran, was arrested on 8 March 2010, following his summons to the Revolutionary Courts. He was sentenced to one year in prison on the charge of “propagating against the regime through interviewing with foreign media,” and “insulting the Iranian Judiciary.” Prior to that and following Oliaifar’s objection to the execution of Behnoud Shojaee and other child offenders, on 7 February 2010, he had been sentenced to one year in prison for “propagating against the regime” by the Revolutionary Courts.

Expressing outrage with obvious shortcomings in due process in her husband’s case, Shohreh Taghati said: “My husband’s verdict was never served to him, and as a result, his case cannot be appealed now.” Taghati asked the Iranian judicial authorities to show more flexibility in reviewing similar cases.

Statements by Iranian authorities contradict Shafiee’s words about the fact that his three clients have not been interrogated for the past six to seven months. The Iranian authorities continue to claim that the case of the three Americans is still under investigation. Shafiee told the Campaign that the case no longer has the semblance of a judicial case, and it increasingly appears as a political one.

In a letter to the Tehran Prosecutor, Shafaiee has requested immediate review of the case of the three young Americans who have been arrested on charges of illegally crossing Iran’s western border. In his letter, Shafiee refers to Sarah Shourd’s deteriorating health condition, saying: “In the event of any undesirable consequences for Sarah, those in charge of the case must be accountable, as I have issued many warnings.”

“I told the authorities in charge of this case that this woman is sick and has an acute gynecological illness, asking them to at least allow her to be transferred to the the Swiss Embassy until her trial time, which of course they turned down. According to Item T of Article 3 of the General and Revolutionary Courts Trial Procedures (even though this specific article has not been observed throughout this case), the investigative judge should have reviewed the case once every four months, which he hasn’t done. The excuse he has used is what comes at the end of the same article which says ‘…if he deems necessary, he can continue the detention,’ but at the end of the article it clearly states that the suspect’s detention may not exceed the minimum prison sentence stipulated in the law for that crime,’” Shafiee told the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran.

Reacting to statements made by some Iranian authorities who have mentioned the charge of espionage in the case of the three Americans, Shafiee said that his clients are innocent of espionage. “The charge of espionage is unwarranted…in the impossible event that my clients were guilty of the charge of espionage, the punishment for this charge is one year in prison. Therefore under no circumstances is it legal for my clients to be kept in prison. Even if it is illegal entry [into Iranian soil], they cannot keep them in prison longer than this. Whatever their charges are, those kids must be informed of them right now and either released or tried. In any event their situation must be clarified. This is what I explained in my recent communication with the Prosecutor, Mr. Dolatabadi, and I am awaiting a reply…Though I have asked for the release of all three of them, I put more emphasis on Sarah,” said Shafiee.

“I said in the letter that the three American families have employed an independent Iranian lawyer who is not a member of any party or faction, is a Muslim, and loves Iran very much, because they thought that Iran is governed by laws. They thought that the Judiciary is independent, but, unfortunately, your conduct makes them doubt all this,” said the lawyer about his letter of warning to the Tehran Prosecutor.

Shafiee said that the families of the American prisoners have drawn a comparison between the case of their children and the case of the Iranian reporter who was arrested in Italy this year. They ask how is it that the arrested individual was able to have access to his family, his lawyer, and consular services every day, “and the detention did not even last five days. When the families see this, they think that their and their children’s rights have been violated,” said Shafiee.

“I told the Prosecutor that none of the legal pre-requisites have been met for my clients. Occasionally, and based on necessities, certain non-judicial authorities opine and accuse them of espionage. This is illegal. There is absolutely no regard for the letters and statements I submit, and even the bare minimum legal requirements are not met and even if they are, nothing has the appearance of a judicial case; it all looks like it is diplomatically or politically oriented. The official in charge of the case agrees to see me every day, but he has no authority to respond to my requests! And it is either impossible to see you, Mr. Prosecutor, or I don’t want to bother you…because I am in touch with the official directly in charge of the case…the consular access is insufficient. These kids have not had any interrogations for the past six or seven months. Well, if they aren’t having any interrogations, why are you keeping them? This is not following the due judicial process,” Shafiee told the Campaign, describing his clients’ case process.

He reiterated that he told the Tehran Prosecutor that it is illegal when a lawyer is not allowed to meet with his clients. He referred to the visas issued for the families of the prisoners to travel to Iran as the only positive act the Iranian government has done in this case. “During this time, the only action which was somewhat admirable was the issuing visas for their mothers, and even that was for only one day and you wanted them to return. You weren’t even going to allow me to meet with them. I had to be so forceful in order to get to meet with the families of my clients,” said Shafiee.

Expressing dismay for the repeated warnings he has been receiving from Iranian government officials he said: “In my letter to the Tehran Prosecutor I wrote that I could pull a group of 7-8 legal experts together [to represent this case], some of whom might harm the case. But I won’t do that. I am acting honestly and speaking confidently. You keep giving me notices saying, ‘Why did you say this? Why did you do that?’”

Regarding statements about a possible exchange of the three Americans for other individuals he said: “Mr. President says we want to exchange these prisoners. I say ‘exchanging prisoners is not worthy of the high morals of the Islamic Republic of Iran.’ This statement was construed as ‘insulting to the authorities.’ Or the Minister of Intelligence says that there are documents showing my clients are spies, and I say ‘there is no evidence, if there is, present it.’ Then they think that I was insulting.”

“Because I don’t see judicial characteristics to this case, anything could happen in it,” Shafiee added in conclusion.

Following publication of the news about Vakil Abad’s group executions, a Mashad human rights activist who has spoken with families of some of those executed, as well as some released prisoners, shared his knowledge of the situation with the Campaign.

The source stated that the number of individuals on the death row inside Vakil Abad Prison’s Wards 101, 102, 103, and 104 as well as the Quarantine Ward is “in the hundreds.” The Campaign refrains from publishing the reported statistics pending confirmation from other sources. The Campaign asks the Iranian judicial authorities to be accountable regarding news about the weekly group executions of drug-related convicts and to provide exact statistics about events taking place inside Mashad’s Vakil Abad Prison.

Sadegh Larijani recently wrote a letter to Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, asking him for directions about what to do with the convicts, the source told the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran.

In order to verify the accuracy of the reports about the executions of drug-related criminals in Mashad, we asked Ahmad Ghabel, a theological researcher and a student of the late Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri. Ghabel was arrested immediately after Mr. Montazeri’s death on 20 December 2009, and served 170 days in prison before he was released on bail. The Campaign asked Mr. Ghabel whether he was aware of similar executions during his imprisonment at Vakil Abad Prison. “I never saw any of these prisoners up close. I never tried to see outside my cell through the door or the window, but I heard the news. Soldiers are people just like you and me and they transfer news. I learned through news I received during fresh air breaks that 50 people were executed during the 170 days I was there,” said Ahmad Ghabel. He told the Campaign that although he doesn’t have direct information about the executions of individuals under the age of 18, he does remember hearing the prison guards talking about two youths under 18 among those executed.

“Inside our ward, Ward 6/1, in addition to cells where prisoners would serve their long prison terms, there were also suites where those on the death row would be brought a few hours before the execution. The situation would change so drastically, everyone would know a death-row inmate was inside the ward. All doors would close and if this was during the times when prisoners could make telephone calls, the lines would be disconnected. Even other prison authorities could not move about at this time, because Ward 6/1 was directly managed by the prison Intelligence Unit,” added the theological researcher.

“I have not conducted my own research on this, and I have been following the media news about it. Unfortunately, I have no access to my ex-cellmates, either. All I know is that the families of those executed read the number [of those executed] on the forms when they came to take the bodies. I think it is fair to say that these facts are undeniable. Prison guards and other prisoners are also members of the society and people like to talk about events like this, spreading the news. Especially as events like this are not unprecedented in our country,” said Ahmad Ghabel about news of 70 executions over the past few days.

The Campaign asked Ahmad Ghabel whether it is conceivable for such a large number of prisoners to have death sentences. “It is quite customary to have people with death sentences remain in prison for a long time,” Ghabel replied.

“People convicted of murder get the death penalty, but their families are given time to seek the forgiveness of the victims’ families and to attempt swapping the death penalty with diya [blood money]. Also, there are people who are sentenced to death because of carrying illegal arms, but they also have a prison sentence which they must serve prior to the execution. As we speak, there are hundreds of people inside prisons who received their death sentences several years ago. Even inside Ward 1/6 where I was serving, there was an individual who had been in prison for 13 years for illegally carrying. He had a death sentence, too. Another case is another suspect I was handcuffed to one time when returning from the court. His charge was possession of 70 kilograms of crystal meth and while serving a long prison term, he had also received a death sentence,” he added.

The source who provided the Campaign with detailed information about the group executions of Vakil Abad Prison said that the death row convicts are held inside Ward 6 of the prison which is under the oversight of the prison’s Intelligence Unit. Each month there are two sets of executions and in each set between 30 to 40 individuals are hung at once. “For example, between September 2009 and May 2010, almost 150 people were executed, but there was only one public announcement about the executions of five people on 3 April 2010. But on that date 35 people were executed, eight of whom were women,” said the source.

Other information received by the Campaign indicates that the frequency of mass executions has increased from twice per month to four during the recent month. Sources say total number of people executed is between 60 and 70. “There are hundreds of people on the death row inside Mashad’s Vakil Abad Prison,” another source said.

According to the said source, on the days when group executions are to take place, Vakil Abad Prison’s telephone lines are cut off. Ward 6/1 does not have public telephones and prisoners are only allowed short telephone calls once or twice per week.

The International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran expresses its deep concern about the ambiguous conditions and statistics of executions offered by various sources and their discrepancies with the numbers announced by officials. The Campaign demands accountability and clear information about the group executions inside Vakil Abad Prison and other prisons in the country.

The mother of Moharram Chegini, who was shot during the post election unrest hold his young son's picture in her hands. Photo Source: Mourning Mothers's blog

In an interview with the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, the wife of a protester who was murdered during the 2009 post-election protests talked in detail about the continued pressure on her aimed at concealing the truth about her husband’s death. Massoumeh Chegini, wife of Moharram Chegini, told the Campaign about the pressure put on her for interviewing with the state broadcasting organization, IRIB; the lack of accountability by authorities for finding her husband’s murderers; and the threats made on her. Speaking about pressure put on her by authorities to abandon her pursuit of her husband’s murder case, she said: “Why should I keep silent? Can things get any worse than this? I have become uprooted. My youth has been wasted. What else do they want from me?”

“In response to the judge who says the perpetrator has not been seen, and instead of introducing my husband’s murderer offers me to forfeit my claim and settle on receiving diya [blood money], I say the man who was shooting at people from a rooftop was seen by all, how come you consider him ‘unseen?’ I know who poured bullets on people’s heads, how come you don’t know who poured those bullets?,” Chegini told the Campaign.

Massoumeh Chegini talked about pressure on the Chegini family to grant an interview to Islamic Republic of Iran’s Broadcasting (IRIB). “I was uprooted for five, six months. I had no homestead. I was staying with my in-laws. A
few days after my husband’s death, several people came there and filmed us and our home and asked me: ‘What did your husband do for a living?, What kinds of political activities did he have?’ I said: ‘My husband wasn’t political. He was working from dawn to dusk, searching for a livelihood,’” she said.

“When the camera was rolling, they said that ‘a group of rioters took advantage during the days after the elections and killed your husband.’ I asked them: Who gave them bullets with which to kill people? Why should a group of rioters kill my husband? What kind of animosity did they have with my husband? How did they know that my husband was on the street and they should murder him?,’” she added.

Massoumeh Chegini described her efforts to find her husband’s murderer. “Recently I went back to the court again to file a complaint, demanding that my husband’s murderer be introduced. They said the file wasn’t there. After a whole year they say the file is lost! How come if another person had committed a murder they would treat him differently? Why doesn’t anyone answer my questions after a whole year? Whose bullet was it? Who shot it? Why did they kill my husband so unfairly? They want to pay the diya and for me to accept it, so that this case ends, but I will not do such a thing! What was our sin? What crime did I commit to have this life at the age of 30? Who will fight for our rights? Who will answer me?,” she told the Campaign.

Moharram Chegini’s wife talked about the way her late husband’s body was delivered to the family by the authorities. “My husband was murdered at Azadi Square. His body was abandoned at Andisheh Square. What if animals had attacked his body?! His entire body was purple. His shoulder bone was broken. His death was a big blow, but seeing that corpse! What was my crime to have to face a life like this? I don’t have a father. I had a hard time coming up with the money it took to bury my husband. A whole year later, I have started receiving some money from his social security–$100 a month,” added Chegini.

Moharram Chegini, born on 1 August 1975, was murdered on Monday, June 15, 2009. He was shot while looking up at the roof of the Meghdad Basij Base on Azadi Street. A bullet entered his cheek and exited through the back of his head, hitting his shoulder. He was first taken to Rassoul Akram Hospital. His body disappeared for seven days until Ali Chegini, Moharram’s brother, received a phone call from the Shahriar [a township outside Tehran] Medical Examiner’s Office to appear at the Medical Examiner’s Office to identify his body. At the Medical Examiner’s Office, his family was shown a video of the discovery of his corpse along with three other bodies on the streets in Shahriar’s Andisheh neighborhood. This was very strange to Moharram’s brother, as he had received a videotape of Moharram’s death just a few days after his death. According to Massoumeh Chegini, the day the family buried Moharram, they were contacted by someone from the Tehran Provincial Governor’s Office who asked them not to tell the press about the location of his burial site. Moharram Chegini’s brother announced the news about Moharram’s death to the media seven months later.

Immediately after they take custody of Moharram’s body at the Medical Examiner’s Office, the Chegini family filed a suit, but their suit has not been reviewed yet.

Moharram Chegini’s wife is appalled by the way the authorities interacted with his family and the way his corpse was delivered to the family. “Why should it be like this? A human being went to the street, he said some things, he protested to something, let’s assume he demanded his vote. Did he deserve such treatment? I went to Rassoul Hospital to look for my husband. When I showed them his photograph, they told me that eight people had been murdered and Intelligence forces had taken the bodies with them! There was no news about him
from Monday through Thursday. Finally they showed a photograph from Kahrizak and said, ‘This is an anonymous corpse which we found in Shahriar, you must come here to identify it.’ Even after we identified him, they would not let us have his body,” Massoumeh Chegini told the Campaign.

Massoumeh Chegini went to Kahrizak Detention Center after the elections. “When I went to Kahrizak, watching other people’s anguish, I forgot my own. There was a man sitting there. He said: ‘In all of this world, I had this one son. His mother told him that the streets were crowded, and that she would go to the university with him. He was going to the university with his mother when he was shot on the way.’ He was told that he had to take delivery of the corpse and to take it directly to the Behesht-e Zahra Cemetery. He kept telling them: ‘Give
me my son’s body. I want to bury it wherever I like.’ This was just one of the instances I saw there. There were thousands like me there,” she told the Campaign.