Journalists and Their Family Members Targeted

(2 February 2012) The Iranian judiciary should immediately stop its widespread campaign of intimidation against journalists and their family members, the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran said today.

The Campaign also called for an end to the illegal coercion of detainees. The Campaign expressed serious concern over the videotaping of false confessions and the possibility of politically motivated broadcasts ahead of the 2 March 2012 parliamentary elections.

“Harassing journalists, activists, and their family members shows the inhumane and unlawful practices the Iranian intelligence services use to silence these people,” said Hadi Ghaemi, spokesperson for the Campaign. “Any televised confession by these detainees released in the run-up to the March parliamentary election would likely be politically motivated and false.”

In the past month, Iranian intelligence and security forces have arrested at least nine independent journalists and writers, including Parastoo Dokouhaki, Marzieh Rassouli, and Sahamoddin Bouraghani. Family members of Iranian journalists living abroad, including the family member of a BBC Persian employee in London, have also been harassed, questioned, or detained.

Intelligence agents have been pressuring a number of these detainees to make on-camera confessions. Interrogators have been particularly focused on the BBC, pressuring some of these detainees to say that they have cooperated with and provided information to the BBC, a source close to their families told the Campaign.

“In recent months, direct actions against the BBC by Iran have intensified,” Sadeq Saba, director of BBC Persian TV, told the Campaign. “We have witnessed increasing levels of intimidation, as well as attempts to interfere with our independence. The Iranian government has detained and summoned a number of people allegedly working for the BBC Persian Service. There have also been cases of intimidation, questioning, and detention involving relatives of BBC staff.”

Since June 2009, intelligence agents have obtained and broadcast coerced confessions from detainees in order to intimidate journalists and activists, defame their political opponents, and convict defendants in court.

According to a source with knowledge of the situation, Iranian intelligence agents are planning to stage a televised program using highly distorted and edited footage of various detainees. At least one of the recent detainees is under tremendous pressure to admit to connections to the BBC on camera, a source told the Campaign.

“Televised confessions reek of due process violations and coercion and should be seen as false,” said Ghaemi. “The government may choose to air these confessions in order to create public anxiety about foreign intervention in Iran’s election, led by foreign media outlets like the BBC.”

Since 2009, BBC Persian, an important news source for millions of Iranians, has emerged to challenge the government’s narratives in a variety of areas, including Iran’s domestic politics and its struggle with the international community. Iranian officials repeatedly cite BBC Persian’s reporting as evidence of a foreign plot to undermine the regime.

Saba said, “We consider [the recent arrests and intimidation] to be part of ongoing efforts by the Iranian government to put pressure on the BBC for the impartial and balanced coverage of its Persian language TV of events in Iran and the wider region.”

In late January 2012, authorities seized a family member of a BBC Persian employee based in London and pressured the family member to denounce the employee’s work with BBC Persian. “A family member of one of the BBC Persian employees was detained and pressured to make online connections with the BBC employee,” said Saba of BBC. “During that communication the BBC employee was remotely interrogated to get information about BBC,” he continued.

“This is an inhumane and malicious act,” Saba said. “We strongly condemn it. It sets a new precedent for the Islamic Republic.”

Since 2005, Reporters Without Borders has documented at least 50 cases of harassment of family members of Iranian journalists living abroad.

“The family members of our employees are innocent and vulnerable in the hands of the Islamic Republic, which, with such actions, is exerting pressure on innocent people,” Saba said. “Our employees are adults and their family members have no control over what their family members do.”

The director of BBC Persian TV added, “BBC would like to reiterate that its Persian language service does not have a presence in Iran. No staff whatsoever, no reporters, no stringers. Any confessions [to that effect] broadcast will be completely baseless, false, and pre-planned, and would have been taken under coercion.”

Security forces have also jammed BBC Persian’s satellite broadcast from within Iran. On 17 September 2011, BBC reported that the jamming intensified “just as the channel had begun broadcasting a documentary about Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei.” That same day, Iranian authorities detained six independent documentary filmmakers: Mohsen Shahrnazdar, Hadi Afarideh, Katayoun Shahabi, Naser Safarian, Shahnam Bazdar, and Mojtaba Mir Tahmaseb.

Several of these filmmakers were also under pressure to make false confessions. A family member of one of the filmmakers told the Campaign that interrogators said to a detainee, “Just speak out against the BBC, tell people not to talk to the BBC, and apologize for what you have done.” The family member added, “A number of the detainees agreed to appear on camera so they could escape the pressure and get out sooner.”

“These attacks against BBC and the wave of arrests of domestic journalists, writers, and activists are an attempt to silence them,” said Ghaemi, spokesperson for the Campaign. “It is clear the government is trying to swap independent voices with their own political and ideological narrative.”

The Campaign previously reported that six journalists were detained in January 2012. Authorities detained at least three more: journalist Said Razavi Faghih, civil society activist Yasser Yousefzadeh, and director of Iranian professional network U24 Mohammad Soleimani Nia.

(1 February 2012) Iran should immediately suspend the death sentence for web programmer and Canadian resident Saeed Malekpour and investigate allegations of his torture, the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran said today.

On 30 January 2012 Iran’s Supreme Court upheld the death sentence of 36-year-old Malekpour for “insulting Islamic sanctities” allegedly because he managed a network of pornographic websites. Malekpour’s family has maintained that he simply developed image-sharing software that was used, without his knowledge, to post pornographic photos.

“Malekpour’s death sentence is a shocking abuse of the death penalty and shows a lack of understanding of the work of a web programmer,” said Hadi Ghaemi, spokesperson for the Campaign. “The judiciary should put an end to using false confessions obtained under inhumane and severe pressure in order to achieve political gain.”

Malekpour’s conviction comes as part of an increased wave of Internet and new media censorship in Iran, including claims by authorities that they plan to end access to the World-Wide Web for nearly all Iranians and replace it with an internal government-approved Iranian Internet, labeled “halal Internet.”

“The Iranian government wants to control online content, speech, and morality as much as possible. But the Internet is not easily controlled,” said Ghaemi. “So at its heart, Malekpour’s conviction is about authorities trying to stoke fear by suppressing user-generated content and Internet applications that facilitate user-generated content and interactions.”

On 31 January the Organized Crimes Investigation Unit of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) issued a statement welcoming the death sentence of Malekpour.

The IRGC statement accused Malekpour of managing a network of illegal websites, and asserted his conviction is meant to have a deterrent effect on others. “The failure to carry out swift punishment using all legal means would hurt crime prevention efforts and increase the brazenness of [cyber] criminals,” the statement said. “As such, after the persistent efforts of [this unit] and months of intense legal action, the Supreme Court confirmed a death sentence for the biggest anti-religion pornographic Farsi network.” The statement added, “They should bring glee to all those who are concerned about protecting the boundaries of the religion and culture of the country.” The statement also announced that the IRGC plans to soon announce the arrests of several other Internet users violating Iran’s moral restrictions.

“The judiciary has shown itself time and again to be an instrument of the Revolutionary Guard, following their lead in convicting individuals,” said Ghaemi.

A number of former detainees who have been interrogated and prosecuted for their online activities told the Campaign that the Iranian Judiciary lacks the expertise and proper understanding of Internet technologies and website operation. The presiding judges in their trials issue their rulings without knowledge of how the Internet works. Consequently these rulings are based on the interrogators’ arguments and so-called “confessions” obtained under duress by agents of Iran’s Intelligence Ministry and the Revolutionary Guards Corps’ Intelligence Organization.

Allegations of due process failures call Malekpour’s conviction into question. In March 2009, Malekpour appeared on Iranian state television confessing to the charges brought against him. However, on 13 March 2010, Malekpour wrote a letter stating that his interrogators subjected to him to physical and psychological torture, including being held for a total of twelve months of solitary confinement, and receiving threats to the well being of his family.

Malekpour’s 2008 arrest was part of a larger operation conducted by the IRGC Organized Crimes Investigation Unit, which included a wave of arrests of Internet professionals.

A Revolutionary Court sentenced Saeed Malekpour to death in October 2010. The Supreme Court, however, overturned the verdict in November 2011 and sent the case back to the Revolutionary Court to resolve its prosecutorial deficiencies, citing incomplete investigation and insufficient testimonies.

Malekpour’s sister, Maryam Malekpour, told BBC Persian on 30 January 2012 that none of the Supreme Court’s concerns were ever addressed.

“They asked for an [Internet] expert to be brought in to review the evidence and the case, but it never happened,” Maryam Malekpour said. “Since Saeed had said that he had been under psychological and physical pressure (i.e., torture) the court asked for a full investigation…. At a minimum they should have sent him to the medical examiner, which never happened. [The Supreme Court] also asked for more credible evidence beyond his own confession, and that was never produced. None of these shortcomings were ever addressed and unfortunately Saeed never received a fair trial.”

According the semi-official Fars News agency the Supreme Court, in issuing its latest judgment, said the Revolutionary Court had resolved the prosecutorial deficiencies in Malekpour’s case.

“Malekpour’s case demonstrates how far the judiciary is willing to stray from the international standards regarding the death penalty that Iran has promised to uphold,” said Ghaemi. “Iranian officials are well aware that governments can only execute persons in narrow cases. Not for insulting a religion or writing computer programs. And definitely not based on coerced evidence.”

Article 6(2) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which Iran ratified in 1975, mandates, “In countries which have not abolished the death penalty, sentence of death may be imposed only for the most serious crimes…. This penalty can only be carried out pursuant to a final judgement rendered by a competent court.”

The UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary, or arbitrary executions has stated that economic crimes, drug-related offenses, victimless offenses, and actions relating to moral values do not constitute “most serious crimes.”

Article 14 of the ICCPR guarantees all criminal suspects the right to a fair trial. The UN Human Rights Committee has noted that “statements or confessions obtained through torture” or ill treatment are inadmissible in judicial proceedings under article 7 of the ICCPR.

Malekpour has been a Canadian permanent resident since 2004. He was arrested in Iran in October 2008 while visiting his dying father.

Sanatipour is a chemistry student at Mashhad’s Ferdowsi University and Secretary of the university’s Allameh Group. He has also worked with several student publications,

Hassan Fathi, appearing on television to talk about the explosion on 12 November

The family of imprisoned journalist Hassan Fathi has reason to believe he has been returned to solitary confinement, a source told the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran.

“We think he has been transferred to a solitary cell again, because last week when the family went to visit with him, they were told that he is barred from having visitors,” a source close to the family said. “He must be in solitary, as prisoners in the General Ward are allowed visitors. But we don’t know anything about his conditions for sure,” the source added.

Security forces arrested Fathi on 13 November 2011, one day after he had appeared as a guest on BBC Persian Television to discuss an explosion in a military base belonging to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). Fars News Agency, affiliated with the IRGC, reported on Fathi’s arrest shortly thereafter: referring to him as a BBC employee, they cited his charges as “propagating falsehoods” and “creating public anxiety.” He was in solitary confinement inside Evin Prison for more than 45 days.

Officials have repeatedly told Fathi’s family, including his wife and his brother, that he would be released soon. A few days after Fathi’s transfer to the general ward, officials told his brother that Fathi would be released within a few days. Later, Fathi’s wife wrote the authorities a letter asking for a visit with her husband, his brother told the Campaign. During the visit, prison authorities told her that her husband would be released on bail by the following week. “We had prepared ourselves for any bail amount, but we never heard about it again,” said Fathi’s brother.

“The family doesn’t know why he wasn’t released,” the source told the Campaign. “[Fathi’s] wife spoke with the judge in charge of his case. We don’t know what this was all about, but the entire family believes that he has not committed any crime. His background is quite clear. He served in the Iran-Iraq war front. Before the revolution, he spent time in Savak Prison. He is the brother of two war martyrs. He is a reporter for the government [press]. I hope he is released soon.”

Fathi has worked in government-affiliated publications such as Omid-e Javaan and Etela’at Haftegi.

“The [family’s] last visit with him was about two or three weeks ago, when he had just been transferred to the general ward. His wife, son, and daughter went to see him in person. He was in good shape on that day. Mr. Fathi served a few months in prison before the revolution, and he is not easily affected,” the source told the Campaign.

“His doctors wrote that he should go on medical leave. His father is now in Tehran to pursue his furlough,” Ronaghi’s mother, Zoleikha Mousavi, said.

Hossein Ronaghi Maleki, 26, was arrested on 13 December 2009. In October 2010, Branch 26 of the Revolutionary Court sentenced him to 15 years in prison, which was later upheld by an appeals court. Ronaghi has been suffering from kidney and liver problems for months. He had submitted several requests and written letters to the Tehran Prosecutor for a review of his conditions and his transfer to a hospital, the texts of which have been published in news websites.

“Finally last week his transfer was set. His father and I had gone to Tehran together, and we were there for two days,” Mousavi said. “They told us, ‘Come and wait at the hospital, we will bring him,’ but they didn’t bring him. Exactly on Thursday, 19 December, when we had returned to Tabriz from the 10-hour trip, they called us from the prison and said that Hossein was transferred. We returned back to Tehran again. On Saturday he was operated on and on Monday he was returned to prison.”

The doctor’s orders state that Hossein Ronaghi Maleki should be transferred back to the hospital in 15 days in order to be re-examined.

“The Tehran Prosecutor has written a letter to Judge Pirabbasi asking for bail orders so he can go on medical furlough. But we have been told that the IRGC [Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps] would not allow Hossein to be granted leave. We will now have to see whether Judge Pirabbasi will grant him leave or not,” Mousavi told the Campaign.

“Why don’t they respect a sick person? We said, ‘Let us take Hossein home and when he is better, he will return to prison.’ But they won’t allow it; they think I’m lying. They say the IRGC won’t allow it,” the imprisoned blogger’s mother told the Campaign. “I swear to God, Hossein was so pale. He had become so thin. He was nervous. He has suffered so much inside the prison. I am a mother. This upsets me,” Mousavi continued.

After visiting Ronaghi recently, Mousavi said, “Hossein doesn’t say much, but he said this time, ‘Mom, I haven’t stepped outside for fresh air or exercise since September, because it’s really cold there.’ He had kidney pain, too. Another prisoner told us how cold it is in Evin.”

“What has Hossein done for them to treat him like this? Of course they don’t just treat my son like this, they treat all sick prisoners in the same way. The Medical Examiner has confirmed Hossein’s illness. They went to prison and examined him and said that he must go on furlough, but they won’t allow it. We said we would accept whatever bail amount is said. Why do they treat people like this? Is it right for all these sick people to remain in prison in this cold weather?” she added.

Regarding her visits with her son in the hospital, Mousavi said, “He didn’t have handcuffs and footcuffs this time. But an officer and two soldiers were watching him all the time.”

Abolfazl Tabarzadi, a civil engineering student and human rights activist, is the nephew of imprisoned political activist Heshmatollah Tabarzadi. Security forces arrested the former on 19 December 2010 at his father’s house. In an earlier interview with the Campaign, Abolfazl Tabarzadi’s father asked, “Why should Abolfazl be in prison? What sin has he committed? He was just a human rights activist, he was just trying to get furlough and visitation rights and such for his uncle….”

A lower Ahvaz court sentenced the younger Tabarzadi to 15 months in prison on charges of “acting against national security” and “contact with foreign media.” His sentence was reduced to nine months at the appeals level. The 24-year-old human rights activist began serving his sentence in Karoon Prison in Ahvaz on 18 October 2011.

“It seems Abolfazl is suffering from severe paranoia,” a source close to the family told the Campaign. “He constantly thinks he should be responding to interrogators, that agents are after him, and he is worried about his family’s health. Apparently he would wake up screaming in the middle of the night, until prison authorities contacted his family, asking them to go to the prison. The Prosecutor’s Office signed his hospital transfer authorization form, and he was sent to hospital,” the source said.

“The doctors have ordered him to be hospitalized for a month and then to be put under treatment for six months in a tranquil environment. But, unfortunately, he is currently under tight security in the hospital,” the source continued.

“When they send a university student who has never thought about prison or such things to a facility like Karoon Prison in Ahvaz, which is even worse than medieval prisons, well, he would go crazy. There is no separation of inmates by type of crime and all types of prisoners sleep and live next to each other,” the source said.

“Abolfazl has a very sensitive soul; I guess he couldn’t take it anymore. Last year he was under heavy interrogation. They sent him to court in handcuffs and footcuffs without a lawyer, and then to prison. Wouldn’t these things drive anyone crazy?” the source added.

FAITH AND SACRIFICE: THE BAHA’IS IN IRAN from Education Under Fire on Vimeo.

“The world needs to know about the plight of the Baha’is of Iran” are the stirring words spoken by Iraj Kamalabadi at the opening of this powerful short film. His sister, Fariba Kamalabadi, is serving a 20-year prison sentence.

The second video in the Angels of Iran series, “Faith and Sacrifice” weaves together accounts of nine family members of Baha’is who have faced imprisonment, torture and execution under Iran’s present government and features commentary by Glenford Mitchell, retired member of the world governing council of the Baha’i Faith who was deeply involved, at the highest levels, in the early days of the defense of the Iranian Baha’is.

Referring to the systematic attempt by the Islamic Republic of Iran to destroy the Iranian Baha’i community, Kimia Kline, whose grandfather, Fat’u’llah Ferdowsi, was executed in 1982 says, “The Iranian government wants these lives erased, their memories erased. But, when you sacrifice something as irreplaceable as your life … that is inherently unforgettable.”

The International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran joins Amnesty International, United4Iran, Education Under Fire, The Boroumand Foundation, Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, the Baha’i national communities of the United States and Canada, and other organizations in supporting these new Angels of Iran videos and the DRIVE TO 25 initiative calling for action to end the violations of human rights in Iran.

Ayatollah Khamenei, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and other Iranian officials have so far never formally responded to any grievances and demands from Sunni clerics and leaders.

In the letter, dated 19 December 2011, members of the Sunni Faction of the Iranian Parliament wrote to Khamenei about the non-implementation of “key and important articles of the Constitution, in particular those principles that refer to religious freedom of the Sunnis and ethnic equality,” and express regret about it. “Unfortunately, many of the important and key articles in the Constitution, including Articles 12, 15, and 19, have not been completely implemented yet. Additionally, Article 115 of the Constitution forbids qualified Sunni political and religious leaders from running in the presidential elections,” the letter states.

Members of the Sunni Faction have additionally reminded Ayatollah Khamenei that Iranian Sunnis have so far been unable to receive permission to build even one mosque in Tehran. They have emphasized that this illegal prohibition continues, adding, “Despite frequent follow-ups, unfortunately the authorities have not agreed to the construction of the mosque.”

The signatories of the letter, Sunni MPs from various regions throughout Iran, point to the statements made Ayatollah Khamenei during his trips to provinces and Sunni-dominated regions, and specifically during his 2009 visit to Kurdistan Province, about religious “equality and brotherhood,” as well as “unity,” ask Khamenei to “form a special committee” to take action on “implementing delayed articles and correcting Article 115 of the Constitution,” and to end the religious and ethnic restrictions and prohibitions imposed on Sunnis.

Article 115 states, “The president must be among religious and political figures and have the following qualifications for elections: Iranian descent, Iranian citizenship, be a wise manager, have a good record and be trustworthy and pious, be faithful and a believer in the principles of the Islamic Republic of Iran and a member of the official religion of the country.” Since Article 12 of the Iranian Constitution defines the official religion of Iran to be Ethna Ashari (Twelver Shiism), Sunnis are prohibited from becoming candidates in the presidential elections.

The Sunni Faction of the Iranian Parliament was established in 2008 by a group of Sunni MPs after religious restrictions for Iranian Sunnis increased, several Sunni clerics were arrested, and security confrontations with Sunnis in different Iranian provinces intensified. Jalal Mahmoudzadeh, MP from Mahabad in Kurdistan Province, is Secretary of the Sunni Faction of the Iranian Parliament.

Signatories of the letter include: Jalal Mahmoudzadeh, representative of Mahabad and Secretary of the Sunni Faction; Peyman Forouzeh, representative of Zahedan; Eghbal Mohammadi, representative of Marivan and Servabad; Abdaljabbar Karami, representative of Sanandaj, Divandarreh, and Kamyaran; Mohammad Ali Partovi, representative of Sardasht and Piranshahr; Saidamad Hosseini, representative of Qorveh and Dehgolan; Said Fatahollah Hosseini, representative of Paveh and Oramanat; Mohammad Reza Sajjadian, representative of Khaf and Rashtkhvar; Mohammad Gheyoom Dehghan, representative of Iranshahr, Sarbaz and Delgan; Abdollah Rastgar, representative of Gonbad Kavoos; Abdolaziz Jamshidzahi, representative of Saravan, Sib Suran, and Zaboli; and Ahmad Jabbari, representative of Bandar Langeh, Bastak, and Parsian.

(26 January 2012) Shirin Ebadi, the 2003 Nobel Peace Laureate, today called for a sustained international campaign for the release of three opposition leaders under house arrest for nearly a year.

“I support the call [of political prisoners] and invite all freedom-loving people across the globe to do all they can for the release of prisoners of conscience in Iran, particularly Ms. Zahra Rahnavard, Mr. Mir Hossein Mousavi, and Mr. Mehdi Karroubi,” Ebadi said in her statement released today.

Referring to the upcoming parliamentary elections, Ebadi said, “I invite all my compatriots to boycott these staged elections on 2 March to once more show the international community that the Islamic Republic of Iran lacks legitimacy.”

Ebadi’s statement was released on the heels of a similar call by 39 prominent political prisoners published on the opposition website Kaleme on 25 January 2012. The statement said, “We call upon all freedom fighting citizens across the globe to create public awareness regarding the upcoming sham and rigged parliamentary elections in February, and to continue to do everything in their power to ensure that the detained leaders of the Green Movement are released in the month of February.”

The International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran fully supports Ebadi’s and the political prisoners’ call for the immediate release of Rahnavard, Mousavi, and Karroubi.

Authorities placed Mousavi, Karroubi, and Rahnavard under de facto house arrest in February 2011, after they called for a rally in solidarity with popular movements in Tunisia and Egypt. Authorities ignored their request for a rally permit. Nevertheless, thousands of people took peacefully to the streets on 14 February 2011, only to face violent repression by authorities.

Since that time, Mousavi, Karroubi, and Rahnavard have been largely held at their homes with little to no access to communication and only infrequent contact with their families. Iranian authorities have repeatedly said that Mousavi, Karroubi, and Rahnavard are not subject to formal judicial proceedings and no charges have ever been formally announced.

“After a year without indictment or trial, what is happening to Mousavi, Karroubi, and Rahnavard can no longer be called a house arrest without formal process. This is simply a kidnapping,” said Hadi Ghaemi, spokesperson for the Campaign.

Signatories to the 25 January 2012 call in alphabetical order:

Bahman Ahmadi Amouee; Hassan Asadi Zeidabadi; Javad Emam; Mohsen Amin Zadeh; Massoud Bastani; Emad Bahavar; Seyed Ali Reza Beheshti Shirazi; Seyed Mostafa Tajzadeh; Saeed Jalalifar; Ali Jamali; Amir Khoram; Babak Dashab; Mohammad Davari; Majid Dori; Amir Khosrow Dalirsani; Ali Reza Rajai; Hossein Zarini; Issa Saharkhiz; Davood Soleymani; Mohammad Seifzadeh; Ghassem Shole Saadi; Keyvan Samimi; Fereydoon Seyedizad; Jalil Taheri; Mohammad Farid Taheri Ghazvini;  Feizollah Arabsorkhi; Siamak Ghaderi; Abolfazl Ghadyani; Farshad Ghorbanpour; Saeed Matinpour; Mohsen Mohagheghi; Mehdi Mahmoudian; Mohammad Reza Motamadnia; Ali Malihi; Abdollah Momeni; Mohsen Mirdamadi; Behzad Nabavi; Zia Nabavi and; Abolfazl Abedini

Zanyar Moradi and Loghman Moradi

The Iranian Supreme Court has upheld the death sentences of two Kurdish political prisoners, local sources told the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran. Prison authorities from Rajaee Shahr Prison allegedly told Zanyar Moradi and Loghman Moradi that their death sentences were upheld.

On 22 December 2010, Judge Salavati of Branch 15 of Tehran’s Revolutionary Court sentenced the two Kurdish prisoners to a public hanging on the charges of “moharebeh” (enmity with God) and “murder of the son of Marivan’s Friday Imam.”

The source told the Campaign that prison authorities informed the prisoners of this conviction last week. “During a short call to his family, Loghman Moradi confirmed this news, saying that he was shocked upon hearing the verdict, and considering that the notification of the decision was not in writing, he was hopeful that this was done only to intimidate him.”

The lawyer for the two political prisoners told the source that he was also surprised by the announcement, that he has told the families of the prisoners that he had not been formally served a court decision, and that he will be traveling to Tehran to follow up the case at the Supreme Court.

The two political prisoners had previously written letters alleging that they were tortured in prison and forced to make false confessions. (Link in Persian) On 2 February 2011, the two prisoners had submitted the appeal request for their death sentences to the Supreme Court.

In an earlier interview with the Campaign, Zanyar Moradi’s father Eqbal Moradi, a member of the Kurdish opposition group Komalah, said, “How can a 20-year-old kid be a murderer? My son was arrested 20 months ago and after 17 months he was accused of murder and terror. But the people of Mariwan and even the family of the victim know that Zanyar and a few other kids did not do this. All of Mariwan’s people and even the victim’s family know that the murderer in this recent case of murders is none other than the regime, and this has nothing to do with the kids,” he said.

Similarly, Loghman Moradi’s father Osman Moradi told the Campaign, “During the first nine months when [Osman] was at the Intelligence Office Prison, there was no murder charge in his case. Later, during the next seven months when he was held in prison, there was no such talk, either. But they returned him to the Intelligence Ministry again, and held him there for 25 days. He was tortured and abused to the point where he accepted the murder [charge]. I mean he accepted it in order to save himself from those conditions. It took them 17 months to take that confession from him,” Osman Moradi said.