Promotion and protection of human rights: human rights situations and reports of special rapporteurs and representatives

Andorra, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Canada, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Israel, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Micronesia (Federated States of), Monaco, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Palau, Poland, Portugal, Republic of Moldova, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and United States of America:

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Situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran

The General Assembly,

Guided by the Charter of the United Nations, as well as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,1 the International Covenants on Human Rights2 and other international human rights instruments,

Recalling its previous resolutions on the situation of human rights in the
Islamic Republic of Iran, the most recent of which is resolution 63/191 of
18 December 2008,

1. Takes note of the report of the Secretary General submitted pursuant to
its resolution 63/191,3 which highlights many areas of continuing concern with
respect to the promotion and protection of human rights in the Islamic Republic of
Iran and notes with particular concern negative developments in the area of civil and
political rights since June 2008, and which discusses some positive achievements
with respect to economic and social indicators;

2. Expresses its deep concern at serious ongoing and recurring human rights
violations in the Islamic Republic of Iran relating to, inter alia:

(a) Torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, including flogging and amputations;
(b) The continuing high incidence and increase in the rate of executions carried out in the absence of internationally recognized safeguards, including public executions and executions of juveniles;
(c) Stoning as a method of execution and persons in prison who continue to face sentences of execution by stoning, notwithstanding a circular from the head of the judiciary prohibiting stoning;
(d) Arrests, violent repression and sentencing of women exercising their right to peaceful assembly, a campaign of intimidation against women’s human rights defenders, and continuing discrimination against women and girls in law and in practice;
(e) Increasing discrimination and other human rights violations against persons belonging to religious, ethnic, linguistic or other minorities, recognized or otherwise, including, inter alia, Arabs, Azeris, Baluchis, Kurds, Christians, Jews, Sufis and Sunni Muslims and their defenders, and, in particular, attacks on Baha’is and their faith in State-sponsored media, increasing evidence of efforts by the State to identify, monitor and arbitrarily detain Baha’is, preventing members of the Baha’i faith from attending university and from sustaining themselves economically, and the continuing detention of seven Baha’i leaders who were arrested in March and May 2008 and faced with serious charges without adequate or timely access to legal representation;
(f) Ongoing, systemic and serious restrictions of freedom of peaceful assembly and association and freedom of opinion and expression, including those imposed on the media, Internet users and trade unions, and increasing harassment, intimidation and persecution of political opponents and human rights defenders from all sectors of Iranian society, including arrests and violent repression of labour leaders, labour members peacefully assembling and students, noting in particular the forced closure of the Defenders of Human Rights Centre and the subsequent arrest and harassment of a number of its staff;
(g) Severe limitations and restrictions on freedom of religion and belief, including arbitrary arrest, indefinite detention and lengthy jail sentences for those exercising their right to freedom of religion or belief;
(h) Persistent failure to uphold due process of law rights, and violation of the rights of detainees, including defendants held without charge or held incommunicado, the systematic and arbitrary use of prolonged solitary confinement, and lack of timely access to legal representation;

3. Also expresses particular concern at the response of the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran following the Presidential election of 12 June 2009 and the concurrent rise in human rights violations including, inter alia:

(a) Harassment, intimidation and persecution, including by arbitrary arrest, detention or disappearance, of opposition members, journalists and other media representatives, bloggers, lawyers, clerics, human rights defenders, academics, students and others exercising their rights to peaceful assembly and association and freedom of opinion and expression, resulting in numerous deaths and injuries;
(b) Use of violence and intimidation by Government-directed militias to forcibly disperse Iranian citizens engaged in the peaceful exercise of freedom of association, also resulting in numerous deaths and injuries;
(c) Interfering in the right to a fair trial by, inter alia, holding mass trials and denying defendants access to adequate legal representation, resulting in death sentences and lengthy jail sentences for some individuals;
(d) Reported use of forced confessions and abuse of prisoners including, inter alia, rape and torture;
(e) Escalation in the rate of executions in the months following the elections;
(f) Further restrictions on freedom of expression, including severe restrictions on media coverage of public demonstrations and the disruption of telecommunications and Internet technology and the forcible closure of the offices of several organizations involved in the investigation of the situation of persons imprisoned following the election;
(g) Arbitrary arrest and detention of employees of foreign embassies in Tehran, thereby unduly interfering with the performance of the functions of those missions in a manner inconsistent with the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations and the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations;

4. Calls upon the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to address the substantive concerns highlighted in the report of the Secretary-General and the specific calls to action found in previous resolutions of the General Assembly, and to respect fully its human rights obligations, in law and in practice, in particular:

(a) To eliminate, in law and in practice, amputations, flogging and other forms of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment;
(b) To abolish, in law and in practice, public executions and other executions carried out in the absence of respect for internationally recognized safeguards;
(c) To abolish, pursuant to its obligations under article 37 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child and article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,2 executions of persons who at the time of their offence were under the age of 18;
(d) To abolish the use of stoning as a method of execution;
(e) To eliminate, in law and in practice, all forms of discrimination and other human rights violations against women and girls;
(f) To eliminate, in law and in practice, all forms of discrimination and other human rights violations against persons belonging to religious, ethnic, linguistic or other minorities, recognized or otherwise, to refrain from monitoring individuals on the basis of their religious beliefs, and to ensure that access of minorities to education and employment is on par with that of all Iranians;
(g) To implement, inter alia, the 1996 report of the Special Rapporteur on religious intolerance, which recommended ways in which the Islamic Republic of Iran could emancipate the Baha’i community, and also to accord the seven Baha’i leaders held since 2008 the due process of law rights they are constitutionally guaranteed, including the right to adequate legal representation and the right to a fair trial;
(h) To end the harassment, intimidation and persecution of political opponents and human rights defenders, students, academics, journalists, other media representatives, bloggers, clerics and lawyers, including by releasing persons imprisoned arbitrarily or on the basis of their political views, including those detained following the Presidential election of 12 June 2009;
(i) To uphold due process of law rights, to end impunity for human rights violations, and to launch a credible, impartial and independent investigation into the allegations of post-Presidential election human rights violations;

5. Further calls upon the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to redress its inadequate record of cooperation with international human rights mechanisms by, inter alia, reporting pursuant to its obligations to the treaty bodies of the instruments to which it is a party and cooperating fully with all international human rights mechanisms, and encourages the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to continue exploring cooperation on human rights and justice reform with the United Nations, including the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights;

6. Expresses deep concern that, despite the Islamic Republic of Iran’s standing invitation to all thematic special procedures mandate holders, it has not fulfilled any requests from those special mechanisms to visit the country in four years and has not answered numerous communications from those special mechanisms, and strongly urges the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to fully cooperate with the special mechanisms, including facilitating their visits to its territory, so that credible and independent investigations of all allegations of human rights violations, particularly those arising since 12 June 2009, can be conducted;

7. Invites the thematic special procedures mandate holders to pay particular attention to the human rights situation in the Islamic Republic of Iran, in particular the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention and the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, with a view to investigating and reporting on the various human rights violations that have arisen since 12 June 2009;

8. Requests the Secretary-General to report to it at its sixty-fifth session on the progress made in the implementation of the present resolution;

9. Decides to continue its examination of the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran at its sixty-fifth session under the item entitled “Promotion and protection of human rights”.

To all members of the UN General Assembly

November 11, 2009

Your Excellency,

We, the undersigned independent human rights and civil society organizations from diverse regions and societies around the world, respectfully urge your support for a United Nations General Assembly Resolution condemning the serious human rights violations in the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) and advising the IRI of steps it should take to respect the rights of the Iranian people in accordance with international law.

Human rights conditions in Iran have deteriorated dramatically since the General Assembly’s 2008 Resolution, as the Secretary General has indicated in his recent report. It is incumbent upon the international community and a matter of the utmost moral urgency to emphasize to the government of Iran that common human rights standards must be upheld.

Since the disputed presidential elections in June 2009, thousands of Iranian citizens have suffered grave violations of their internationally protected human rights; many have been beaten and shot during peaceful protests, and there are credible, verified reports of torture, rape, and ill-treatment in detention. Hundreds of reform-oriented citizens and political figures have been tried in “show trials” without due process, and several have already been sentenced to lengthy prison terms, while others linked to the protests have been sentenced to death.

Iran has egregiously violated its citizens’ rights to freedom of association and peaceful assembly, and used grossly disproportionate force against peaceful protesters, many of whom were intentionally killed on the streets or in detention. Thousands have been arbitrarily arrested, “disappeared,” and held in incommunicado detention, in what amounts to a massive ideological purge. In an effort to force “confessions” to attempting to destabilize the government, many have been beaten, threatened, and tortured, including sexually. Journalists, human rights defenders, students, and other groups have been targeted.

There are calls from powerful clerics and politicians to declare opposition political activities as violations of law that are punishable by death. In the meantime, Iran executed 115 persons convicted of crimes in 50 days following the 12 June disputed elections, and has also executed juvenile offenders in the face of strong international protests. The threat to the lives of detained individuals is acute, while the wave of executions is also a warning of what may await others seeking their human rights through peaceful protests.

Women continue to suffer from institutionalized discrimination across many spheres of Iranian society. Human rights defenders working peacefully to establish gender equality are under particular stress as many have been arbitrarily detained and prosecuted for their peaceful efforts to end legal discrimination against women. Moreover, as mentioned in the report of the Secretary General, the situation of ethnic and religious minorities, particularly the Bahá’í , continues to be of great concern.

The General Assembly must take a firm stand on behalf of universal human rights principles, and on behalf of the people of Iran. While the international community focuses its attention on other issues of concern with regard to Iran, it must make clear that it will not forget the Iranian people who continue to be denied their fundamental human rights. We take this opportunity to urge your support for a General Assembly resolution that will help show Iran a path toward respecting the human rights values and standards upon which the United Nations was founded.

Signatory civil society organizations,

1. Advocacy Forum (Nepal)

2. Aliran Kesedaran Negara (Malaysia)

3. Alternative Development Studies Center (Egypt)

4. The American Islamic Congress

5. Amnesty International

6. Angikar Bangladesh Foundation (Bangladesh)

7. The Arab Penal Reform Organization (Egypt)

8. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development – FORUM-ASIA

9. Asian Legal Resources Centre (Hong Kong, China)

10. Association for Human Rights Legal Aid (Egypt)

11. Association for Women’s Rights in Development

12. Bahá’í International Community (Switzerland)

13. Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha (India)

14. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (Egypt)

15. Cambodian Center for Human Rights (Cambodia)

16. Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association (Cambodia)

17. Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (Cambodia)

18. Caucasian Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development (Georgia)

19. Center for Civil Liberties (Ukraine)

20. Center for Egyptian Women’s Legal Assistance (Egypt)

21. Center for Human Rights and Development (Mongolia)

22. Center for Trade Union and Workers’ Services (Egypt)

23. Citizens’ Council for Human Rights Japan (Japan)

24. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation (South Africa)

25. Civil Initiatives Development Center (Russia)

26. Committee for the Freedom of Prisoners of Conscience in Uzbekistan (Uzbekistan)

27. Committees for the Defense of Democracy, Freedoms, and Human Rights in Syria (Syria)

28. Community Legal Aid Institute – LBT Masyarakat (Indonesia)

29. Conectas Direitos Humanos (Brazil)

30. Corporacion Humanas (Chile)

31. Dasan Human Rights Center (Republic of Korea)

32. Democracy Coalition Project (United States)

33. Democratic Workers’ Solidarity (Republic of Korea)

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34. Droits Humains Sans Frontieres (Democratic Republic of the Congo)

35. East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project (Uganda)

36. The Egyptian Association for Community Participation Enhancement (Egypt)

37. Egyptian Child’s Rights Center (Egypt)

38. Egyptian Social Democratic Center (Egypt)

39. Fédération Internationale des Ligues des Droits de l’Homme (France)

40. FLARE – Freedom, Legality, and Rights in Europe (Italy)

41. Freedom House (United States)

42. GayJapanNews (Japan)

43. Global International (Mongolia)

44. Greek Helsinki Monitor (Greece)

45. Guria Swayam Sevi Sansthan (India)

46. Habi Center for Environmental Rights (Egypt)

47. Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia (Serbia)

48. Hesham Mubarak Law Center (Egypt)

49. Human Rights Association for the Assistance of Prisoners (Egypt)

50. Human Rights Development Centre (Bangladesh)

51. Human Rights First (United States)

52. Human Rights Watch (United States)

53. Human Rights Working Group (Indonesia)

54. Indonesia Legal Aid Foundation (Indonesia)

55. Indonesian Human Rights Monitor (Indonesia)

56. Information and Culture Nuri for the Disabled Korean (Republic of Korea)

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57. International Alliance of Women (Belgium)

58. International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran

59. International Commission of Jurists (Switzerland)

60. International NGO Forum on Indonesian Development (Indonesia)

61. International Partnership for Human Rights (Belgium)

62. Interregional Free Union of Students (Russia)

63. Interregional Human Rights Group (Russia)

64. Institute of Human Rights Education (India)

65. Italian Association for Women in Development (Italy)

66. Jagaran Media Center (Nepal)

67. Judicial System Monitoring Programme (Timor Leste)

68. Justice Foundation (Bangladesh)

69. Justice and Peace Netherlands (Netherlands)

70. Justicia y Proceso (Venezuela)

71. Korean House for International Solidarity (Republic of Korea)

72. The Kyrgyz Committee for Human Rights (Kyrgyzstan)

73. Land Center for Human Rights (Egypt)

74. Migrant Forum in Asia (The Philippines)

75. National Iranian American Council (United States)

76. National Organization for Human Rights in Syria (Syria)

77. NERVAZHI (India)

78. New Women Research Center (Egypt)

79. One World Foundation for Development and Civil Society (Egypt)

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80. Open Alternative (Russia)

81. Palestine Peace Solidarity (Republic of Korea)

82. Palestinian Human Rights Organization (Lebanon)

83. Pax Romana (Switzerland)

84. Partnership for Justice (Nigeria)

85. People’s Solidarity for Participatory Democracy (Republic of Korea)

86. Peoples’ Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (India)

87. People’s Watch (India)

88. Persatuan Kesedaran Komuniti Selangor –EMPOWER (Malaysia)

89. Physicians for Human Rights (United States)

90. Programme Against Custodial Torture & Impunity ( India)

91. Quê Me: Action for Democracy (Vietnam)

92. Right to Life Foundation (Bangladesh)

93. Sasvika Sanghatan (India)

94. Shumuu Organization for Disabled Person’s Rights (Egypt)

95. South African Council of Churches (South Africa)

96. South Asia Network Against Torture & Impunity (India)

97. Suara Rakyat Malaysia – SUARAM (Malaysia)

98. Sudhanthra (India)

99. Taiwan Association for Human Rights (Taiwan)

100. Tibetan United Nations Advocacy (Switzerland)

101. Turkmen Initiative for Human Rights

102. Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (the Hague)

103. United Group (Egypt)

104. West African Human Rights Defenders Network (Togo)

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105. Women’s Learning Partnership (United States)

106. Working Group on Justice for Peace (Thailand)

107. Young Europe (Russia)

108. Youth Human Rights Group – Kharkiv (Ukraine)

109. Youth Human Rights Movement (Russia)

Accelerating Slide into Dictatorship

Human Rights in Iran since 12 June 2009

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Violations of Citizens’ Rights

Killing of Peaceful Demonstrators by Government Forces

Arbitrary Arrests and Disappearances

Torture and Ill-Treatment of Detainees

Violations of Freedom of Expression and Information

Violation of the Obligation to Protect Human Rights Defenders

Appendix — Testimony of Ebrahim Sharifi

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Introduction

Human rights in Iran have deteriorated precipitously for over four years, since the onset of the administration of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. But since the disputed presidential election on 12 June 2009, Iran’s slide into dictatorship has sharply accelerated.

For the past four years, the government has increasingly cracked down on dissent; persecuted women’s rights activists seeking to end discriminatory legislation; denied labor activists their international right to organize; restricted the freedom of expression; persecuted student activists; arrested and otherwise persecuted members of religious minorities; tortured political defendants and convicted them in unfair trials; denied minorities their cultural rights; and executed more prisoners in absolute terms than any other country except China, including juvenile offenders. The government has shut down human rights organizations and arrested and imprisoned human rights defenders.

These developments occurred in the context of the militarization of the government bringing it under control of intelligence structures and the Revolutionary Guards, as well as the manipulation of the Judiciary by intelligence and security agencies.  To provide a pretext for the repression of human rights and civil society and its own escalating arrogation of power, the Ahmadinejad government has stoked international tensions in an attempt to stir nationalistic feelings and support for itself by conflict with members of the international community.

In order to retain power, and before the eyes of the world, political authority in Iran has been allowed to be hijacked by military, intelligence and security forces, which have tried to violently crush the movement for freedom, democracy, human rights, and normalization of international relations.

Ayatollah Syed Ali Khamane’i, who had, until the elections, been viewed as an arbitrator of power between different political factions, has become a political partisan through his unwavering support of Ahmadinejad’s government and his policies in the post election era.

In the aftermath of the disputed 12 June election, hundreds of thousands of Iranians publicly protested what they said was massive fraud in counting the ballots. These protests were numerous and largely peaceful. On June 19, Ayatollah Khamane’i, who as the commander in chief is responsible for the actions of the security forces, the Revolutionary Guards, and the Basij militia, threatened the protestors with use of force if they did not desist.

Over the following days, government forces confronted demonstrators with excessive and sometimes lethal force, leading to dozens of deaths, hundreds of injuries and at least 4,000 arbitrary detentions. The government has recently publicized mass trials in which prominent reformists and others read confessions that bore every sign of being coerced, and the Campaign have gathered testimonies that confirm allegations of widespread torture and rape of persons in detention.

This brief report details how an accelerating slide into dictatorship has been accomplished by the grave violation of Iran’s international human rights obligations.

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Violations of Iranian citizens’ right to freedom of association and freedom of assembly, protected by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) as well as the Iranian Constitution  (Art. 27)

Following the disputed 12 June elections, Iranian authorities  banned peaceful demonstrations in Iran’s main cities including Tehran, Shiraz, Isfahan, Tabriz, Mashad and Rasht, as well as elsewhere, to protest electoral fraud and to demand human rights. Security and intelligence forces as well as Basiji militias on motorcycles brutally attacked demonstrators, using batons, tear-gas, pepper-spray, water cannon, chains, and live ammunition and plastic bullets, killing an as yet undetermined number of them. The use of force against demonstrators has been excessive, unlawful, and in gross violation of the standards contained in the United Nations Basic Principles on the Use of Force by Law Enforcement Officers upheld by the UN General Assembly.  Many victims were killed or gravely injured by gunshots or blows to the head, which is to say, intentionally.  Security agents have arrested injured demonstrators when they sought medical treatment in hospitals.

Iran’s  Leader, Ayatollah Khamane’i demanded an end to demonstrations and threatened to hold opposition candidates responsible for any problems.  Others among Iran’s highest religious and political authorities announced a policy of criminalizing dissent, which can have lethal consequences, given Iran’s excessive use of the death penalty and lack of independent courts.  Ayatollah Khatami, an influential hard-line cleric, has demanded that demonstrators be considered “enemies of God (Mohareb),” guilty of crimes under Iran’s Islamic legal code for which they can be executed.  Iran’s Leader has also demeaned protesters, terming them “rioters” and has thus legitimated harsh punishment of those who have been detained on the basis of their political views and for exercising their right to freedom of assembly and to peacefully demonstrate their views.

Despite these threats, hundreds of thousands of Iranian citizens peacefully demonstrated  on several occasions including 20 June, 9 July, to commemorate student demonstrations ten years earlier, on 17 July,  at Friday Prayers, and on other dates.  The gatherings were met with severe violence by the authorities, resulting in hundreds of arrests and injuries and numerous killings.

The Mayor of Tehran, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, estimated that three million persons have taken part in demonstrations on 20 June.

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An unknown but apparently large number of peaceful demonstrators have been killed by government forces and militia in the course of demonstrations

Iranian authorities assert that approximately 30 persons have died in the course of events since the 12 June elections, but several forms of evidence point to a much larger figure. To date, a lack of transparency and manipulation of information by government authorities has obscured the truth.  Authorities have threatened family members against discussing injuries and deaths of victims, and in some cases forced families to claim their loved ones died of natural causes. Investigations by political organizations and NGOs have been forcibly thwarted and halted.

The authorities have repeatedly used excessive, lethal force, which has led to the death of persons who were not even involved in demonstrations. For example, Basiji militiamen have been documented by photographs and videos firing at crowds from atop buildings. Massive volleys of gunfire against protesters were witnessed on 14 June, 20 June, 9 July, and on other dates. Ten students were killed on 14 June in attacks in Isfahan, Tabriz, and Tehran. Medical professionals with access to the records of morgues of three hospitals have reported that 34 bodies of demonstrators were deposited in one day, and some of the bodies reportedly showed multiple bullet wounds.

Families of disappeared persons seeking information from the authorities have been shown albums of photographs of the dead reportedly containing hundreds of photographs, and some have reported seeing “hundreds” of corpses in makeshift morgues. Many bodies were reportedly buried in anonymous graves in Behesht Zahra cemetery overnight.

A number of detainees have died from wounds they received, either before or after their arrest, while they have been in custody. The body of Mohsen Ruholamini, the son of a supporter of unsuccessful presidential candidate Mohsen Rezai, was returned to his family reportedly bearing marks of torture and ill-treatment. The authorities claimed he died of meningitis. Amin Javadifar, a student detained on 9 July, also reportedly died in detention.

Ramin Qahremani, 30, was tortured in prison and his body was delivered to his family recently. According to the Norooz website, he was arrested in his home after agents identified him from a bank security camera. He was kept in prison and tortured for 10 days before being released. He told his mother that for several days he was suspended from his feet. He was taken to the hospital a few days before being released for internal bleeding in his chest. Ramin’s body was buried under the supervision of the police forces.

Taraneh Mousavi was arrested on 28 June near the Masjed Ghoba.  She was reported as disappeared for several weeks and finally her burned body was found near Ghazvin. It was reported that she was severely sexually abused while she was in detention. Her case was revealed by reformist presidential candidate Mehdi Karroubi, but his information was denied by State authorities. Mohammad Kamrani, 18, was arrested in Tehran on 9 July 2009 and was transferred first to Kahrizak detention center and later to Evin prison. On 15 July 2009, his family was informed that he was in Evin prison and was transferred to the Loghman hospital under guard control. As he received no treatment there, and was simply left handcuffed to the bed, his family obtained permission to transfer him to Mehr hospital, where he died on 16 July from severe injuries. Hamid Madah Shourche, a member of the Mousavi presidential campaign in Mashad, was arrested while he was protesting at Goharshad Mosque. He was tortured and died several days after his release, in the first week of July, because of brain damage. Pouya Maghsoud Baygi, a medical student in Kermanshah, was arrested on 20 June by Intelligence forces in Kermanshah, and died because of the severity of his torture in the prison.

The number of dead has been claimed by Iranian opposition researchers at around 73.

In the 50 days after the 12 June presidential elections, Iran executed 115 convicted prisoners, according to Amnesty International. The authorities have provided no detailed information about who many of these persons were, and what crimes they allegedly committed. This “alarming spike” in executions is considered a warning to dissidents, who may be charged with crimes for which they could face capital punishment.

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Arbitrary arrests, disappearances, and detentions including incommunicado detention; unfiar trials; disregard for due process

On 11 August, the Judiciary’s spokesperson, Alireza Jamshidi, announced that around 4000 citizens have been arrested and detained since the elections. About 400 people are believed to be in detention as of this writing.

A large number were ordinary people who were taken into custody as they participated in peaceful demonstrations.  The authorities also arrested hundreds of opposition figures, journalists, human rights lawyers and activists, intellectuals, and professors, and students including prominent former members of the government.  The Campaign has compiled a list of about 240 of those detained who were arrested in the first 10 days after the election. While some of them were released on heavy bail, others who had been ordered released on bail and paid the required sums were not released, including Mohammad Ghouchani, journalist. The families of some detainees could not pay the high bails demanded, as high as $500,000 (500 million toman) and such detainees, including for example Shiva Nazarahari, had to remain in jail. However, the detentions continue, and have included three grandsons of Grand Ayatolah Montazeri, who has openly criticized the abuse of citizens’ rights, and son of Ayatolah Mousavi Tabrizi. On September 17, at least four well-known people were arrested, including, Sayed Mehdi Mousavinejad,  the brother-in-law of Ali Abtahi, a former vice president also in detention; Mehdi Mahmoudian, human rights activist and a member of the reformist Iran  Participation Front; Mehdi Mirdamadi, son of Mohsen Mirdamadi, General secretary of Iran Participation Front , who is in prison; and Hossein Nourinezhad, the head of public outreach of  Iran Participation Front.

Following mass trials, many detainees have had no access to their families and lawyers and still are in solitary confinement, including for example Mustafa Tajzadeh and Abdollah Ramezanzadeh. The first information available about Abdullah Momeni since his arrest on 21 June, and confirmation that he was even alive, was his appearance at the mass trial on 13 September.

Due process violations have accompanied all arrests.  Arrests have been made with no warrants or other court documents being presented, or documents that gave authorities carte blanche to arrest anyone; they have often been made late in the night or very early in the morning and family have been abused in the process; arrests have been made by plain-clothes agents presenting no identification; personal property has sometimes been damaged or confiscated; and detainees have been taken to unknown locations, essentiallydisappeared.

Arrests have in a number of cases threatened the lives of the detainees:  Seed Hajjarian, a detained reformist political figure, suffers from severe physical problems as a result of an assassination attempt in 2001, and needs special care 24 hours a day; a journalist in detention; Ebrahim Yazdi, a former Foreign Minister, was arrested and taken into detention while in the intensive care unit of a hospital. Dr. Mohammad Maleki, who was arrested while he was under treatment for prostate cancer, wasn’t able to walk and two agents helped him to the car. He needs special injections and conditions for his treatment that cannot be found in prison. According to the report published by the Committee to Investigate Arbitrary Detentions, many  detainees arrested after 12 June suffer serious health problems, including Behzad Nabavi who had open heart surgery before his arrest. Abdullah Momeni and Isa Saharkhiz  also suffer serious health problems.

Many of those detained are reportedly held in solitary confinement and in incommunicado detention. They have been prevented from contact with families, friends, or lawyers.  Detentions have been extended without legal justification.

The government has not released a comprehensive list of those detained and their whereabouts, nor has it announced what charges detained persons face, leaving many hundreds of family members in a state of high anxiety; as indicated above, the charges may carry death sentences.  Cases have been documented in which officials have willfully misled family members seeking information about missing relatives, and concealing the fact that such persons were dead.  The large number of unaccounted for persons raises fears about torture and also that many of the missing are dead.

Among those detained are several foreign nationals, including Kian Tajbakhsh, an Iranian-American social scientist, who is still in prison,  Maziar Bahari, an Iranian-Canadian journalist.

Human Rights Watch and FIDH expressed concern about the appointment of Iranian prosecutor Saeed Mortazavi, who has been asked to investigate and prosecute detained reform leaders. Mortazavi has been implicated by the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detentions for involvement in a range of grave human rights violations. He was subsequently removed from the position and appointed as a deputy of the national general prosecutor.

The mass trials of those detained for political reasons have been widely condemned for being “show trials” completely at variance with international standards of due process, and in violation of Iranian law.  Defense lawyers have been denied access to their client’s files, and have not been informed about which courts would consider their cases. Lawyers have informed the Campaign that in some cases, defendants have been given court-appointed lawyers without informing their own attorneys.

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Torture and ill-treatment of detainees

There have been credible reports of torture and ill-treatment including inter alia rape, beatings, and sleep deprivation aimed at confirming the government’s claims that protests have been orchestrated by foreign governments or terrorist organizations.

For example, Ahmad Zaidabadi, the director of the Advar Tahkim Organization and a prominent journalist, was detained on 13 June at his home. A person posing as a delivery man lured him out of his house and unidentified agents kidnapped and took him away. In protest against the illegal manner of his detention, the lack of charges against him, and the conditions of his detention, Zaidabadi was on a hunger strike during the first 17 days of his detention.

His wife, Mahdieh Mohammadi, was able to visit him only after 65 days of having no access to him. During their visit, Zaidabadi told her that he had spent 35 days in solitary confinement, in total isolation, where there was no sound, no light, and no human contact. He told her he felt like he was in a grave, developing serious mental disorientation, and becoming suicidal. Since he could not find any means for committing suicide, he started to scream nonstop. The prison guards eventually realized that he is on the verge of insanity and transferred him to a different solitary cell. During the visit, Zaidabadi told his wife that interrogators had asked him to give guarantees that he would never engage in political activism, although they had not formally charged him.

Amnesty International has reported that Mostafa Tajzadeh, Abdollah Ramezanzadeh and Mohsen Aminzadeh, all imprisoned supporters of opposition candidate Moussavi, are reported to have undergone “intensive interrogation” sessions in Tehran’s Evin prison.  Ramazanzadeh, the spokesperson in Khatami’s cabinet, was arrested on 13 June in the street when he was seriously beaten, causing injuries to his head and rib cage. Since his detention, he has not been charged and the location of his imprisonment remains unknown. After 74 days of detention, Ramezanzadeh was brought to the mass trials in which he asked journalists to tell his family that he was fine. Up to that date, his family had no information about his situation.

The Campaign has received information indicating that other prisoners, about whom no information is available about their legal situation, have suffered beatings and other ill-treatment, including Keyvan Samimi a journalist and human rights defender. Keyvan Samimi was arrested at the midnight of 14 June while Security Forces broke into his house  and confiscated his personal computer and belongs. According to his lawyer, Nasrin Sotudeh, she visited him for the first time on 10 September in presence of his interrogator. He told that her that he was beaten twice and the prison doctor certified that the sign of torture was seen on his left leg. Sotudeh also has said that she has had no access to his file, but during the visit, he and his interrogator informed her that he was charged with membership in the illegal groups including, the National Religious Coalition, the National Peace Council, and the Committee to Investigate Arbitrary Detentions.

“Confessions” by detainees aired on state television have led associates and family members to allege that they could only have been obtained under coercion.  The large number of persons held in incommunicado detention, and in unknown locations, leads to fears about torture and ill-treatment especially in consideration of the very widespread use of torture to produce confessions in Iranian trials, which are often the only evidence upon which defendants are convicted.

Students and many of ordinary prisoners were tortured severely, and there are credible reports of sexual abuse. Fifty students arrested on 14 June were taken to the basement of the Interior Ministry, four levels underground. According to information received by the Campaign, they were tortured en route to the facility and once there.  Packed into a small room, they were reportedly beaten with batons if they touched one another.   They were beaten and humiliated if they used toilets for more than 30 seconds. The students were reportedly sexually tortured.

The Campaign has been informed that as many as 100 cases of rape have been filed privately with the Speaker of the Parliament, Ali Larijani, but he has dismissed them all as false.

Ebrahim Sharifi, 24 years old student in Tehran, was kidnapped by plainclothes agents on 22 June by plainclothes agents for one week. He provided detailed testimony to the Campaign regarding his torture and rape during detention. He said he was subjected to severe beatings, mock executions, and sexual assault. When he attempted to file a judicial complaint and told several judicial authorities what happened, intelligence agents threatened him and his family, forcing him into hiding. Sharifi’s full account is detailed in the appendix of this report.

Another charge of rape was reported to the Campaign, in which a female detainee was raped in one of the prisons in north part of Iran. One of the members of an opposition election campaign was forced to accept that he had had sexual relationships with 10 women who were active in the campaign, and he refused. Suddenly, his female colleague was brought into the room and raped in front of the others. Both have now been released, but the rape victim suffers severe depression.

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Violations of freedom of expression and information

Since the disputed elections, Iran has arrested and detained over 30 journalists and photographers.   Numerous journalists from opposition media have been detained including 20 from Kalemeh Sabz alone.

Bahman Ahmad Amouiee, a journalist and women’s rights defender, was arrested along with his wife, Zhila Baniyaghoub, a journalist, in his home on 20 June 2009. Amouiee is deprived access to his lawyer as well as his family. His lawyer has no access to his file. After 70 days in detention, he had a very short phone call to his wife and said that Judge Mortezavi was in charge of his case. He said that his interrogation had ended and his case was referred to the court, but he didn’t know which branch was in charge. On 31 September, prison officials informed Zhila Baniyagoub , who was released recently, that Amouiee is banned from having visitors.

Mohammad Ghouchani, a journalist and editor in charge of Etemad Meli daily was arrested after presidential contender Karoubi’s letter to the Guardian Council was published on 20 June 2009. Ghouchani was ordered to release on bail on 23 August and the release letter was issued. Maryam Baghi, his wife, in an interview on 6 September said that after his release letter was issued he was transferred to solitary confinement on 27 August and later to ward number 240 in Evin prison and was under sever interrogation. As of this writing he is in ward 209. He is charged with “participation in illegal gatherings to endanger national security,” and “writing articles instigating unrest.” However, his family has said that he was not present in any demonstrations and during the weeks after the election he had not authored any articles. In his most recent call to his family, as of this writing, he told them that despite the order to release him on bail, interrogations have been resumed and he is under tremendous pressure to make false confessions. His interrogators have told him he will not be released unless he makes a confession.

Issa Saharkhiz, a journalist and a founder of the Association to Defend Press Freedom, was arrested on 3 July 2009. He spent 40 days in solitary confinement in the Revolutionary Guard prison in Tehran. Nasrin Sotoudeh, his lawyer, was able to visit him after 40 days and informed that his rib cage was broken. Sahar Khiz suffers high blood pressure and allergies and requires a special diet and he is not able to take any medications. His temporary detention order has been renewed for another two months.

The office of the Journalists Association was closed by order of the Tehran Prosecutor without any explanation on 5 August, the Day of Journalists, while the Association was preparing to hold its general assembly.

More than 300 journalists wrote a letter on 8 September to Tehran Prosecutor and requested the release of detained journalists and respect for the freedom of the press.  Many were immediately summoned and threatened. They were asked to withdraw their signature and cooperate with the Intelligence services to name those who wrote the letter and collected the signatures. About 15 of them were ordered to stay in Tehran and were banned from travelling.

A number of foreign journalists have been expelled from Iran and prohibited from reporting the events, and in some cases Iranian official media and authorities have accused foreign journalists of inciting unrest, at the behest of the government of the United Kingdom.

A Greek journalist for the US-based Washington Times, Iason Athanasiadis, was detained and ill-treated.

Foreign journalists have been prohibited from observing protest demonstrations and other important events. Websites and phone lines have been blocked on several occasions, preventing the circulation of information on the elections and the post-elections situation in the country.  Foreign news broadcasts have been jammed.

Private social networking websites have been used to persecute individuals and their associates. The authorities shut down such sites, including Facebook, for periods of time.  Mobile telephone networks have been shut down on election day, which was meant to prevent sharing election-monitoring information.

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Violations of the obligation to protect human rights defenders

Human rights defenders including human rights lawyers have been targeted for arrest since 12 June and a number have been taken into custody.  Plain-clothes agents arrested three members of the Defenders of Human Rights Centre (DHRC), including lawyer Abdolfattah Soltani, who was arrested by persons posing as clients; lawyer Mohammed Ali Dadkhah, and M. Abdolreza Tajik. Soltani is also a member of the Committee to Investigate Arbitrary Detentions; other members of the Committee who have been detained include  Alireza Tajik and Kayvan Samimi.  Colleagues of Mohammad Ali Dadkhah arrested along with him included Malihe Dadkhah (his daughter), Sara Sabaghian, Bahareh Dowaloo, and Amir Raiisian.  All of these lawyers, prior to their arrest,  represented numerous individuals who had been detained since 12 June. All were subsequently released.

One member of the Committee to Investigate on Arbitrary Detentions, Kayvan Samimi, remains in prison and no official information was released about on him, although it was reported that he was tortured severely. According to the Committee spokesperson, Hasan Asadi Zaydabadi, six members of the Committee have been summoned several times and requested to shut down the group, stop issuing press statements, and cease visiting the families of detainees.

Shiva Nazarahari, a human rights activist and editor in charge of the web site of the Committee for Human Rights, was arrested on 14 June at her office. The night before intelligence agents had gone to her home and searched everywhere and took her personal belongings. She spent 36 days in solitary confinement in ward 209 in Evin prison and was reportedly tortured to confess to what the interrogators wanted. In September, she was ordered to be released on $500,000 bail, which her family wasn’t able to afford, and she remains in prison. Recently, the bail was reduced to $200,000, which still too high for her family to afford. On 17 September, her lawyer and family finally received permission to visit her. She informed them that her interrogator had told her that she won’t be released even if the bail is posted.

The DHRC, founded by Nobel Peace Laureate Shirin Ebadi and others, has been closed since December 2008, when it was shut down by Iranian authorities.  Ms. Ebadi has come under renewed threat, as media close to the government published a letter claiming to have been written by war veterans and the families of martyrs as well as experts, in which they demanded that legal proceeding be brought against Ebadi for allegedly violating the law in the course of her human rights advocacy (since 12 June, Ms. Ebadi has undertaken urgent missions to leading international officials to convey concerns about human rights violations in Iran and request engagement by the international community). The threatening letter is considered a signal that Ebadi can face prosecution in Iran.

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Appendix : Testimony of Ebrahim Sharifi

Ebrahim Sharifi, was kidnapped by plainclothes agents on 22 June by plainclothes agents for one week. He provided detailed testimony to the Campaign regarding his torture and rape during detention:

My name is Ebrahim Sharifi, born on 27 February 1985, 24 years old and a computer science major at Azad University in Tehran. Before the 12 June elections I was active in a grassroots campaign office for presidential candidate Mehdi Karroubi.  I did campaigning by doing graphics work, making posters and distributing them. After the elections, believing the result were not true, I participated daily in protests. In many of the protests, security and intelligence agents took my pictures and videotaped me, which I did not mind.

On the evening of June 22, as I was on my home, in Kangan Boulevard, a black car pulled over next me. A middle aged man, perhaps 40-45 years old, wearing a grey suit, seated in the passenger sit called me over. As I approached the car, a third person from behind grabbed me, twisted my hand behind my back, put on plastic handcuffs, blindfolded me and threw me into the back seat and pushed my head down. I felt a period of about 40 minutes passed before we stopped at a place where there was no more sound of cars. They pushed me like a lamb into what felt like a large hall. I was still blindfolded and handcuffed. I could hear the heavy sounds of others breathing.

That night I felt asleep handcuffed and blindfolded. I was not given any food or drinks. Some people would ask to be taken to a bathroom but no one would come. The next day, the sounds of a girl in pain and screaming were heard. I and others started protesting. In response, someone came in and said we have to be collectively punished. They took out our clothes, leaving on my underclothes and threw me on the floor. I thought there were 30-40 other detainees in the room. I was still handcuffed and blindfolded. They started beating me and others on the back with some kind of a whip. It was thick and elastic. The person was whipping me and four other people, because I was counting. He would whip each person three times and then move on to the next and repeat the cycle. He was doing this for hours and was getting tired as the interval between each whipping became longer and longer. My mouth was close to the ground and I could smell urine and blood.

Afterwards, more hours past, I don’t know how many, until someone came in and put some kind of relieving cream on my back. I was exhausted and passed out. Until the next day we were not given any food or drinks. I don’t know how long I was asleep that someone came in and pulled me up, holding me under my shoulders. They ordered us to line up and said we have been condemned to execution. I had heard many stories of fake executions, but still was gripped in fear. They took us to an outdoor space; it must have been early morning as I felt a morning breeze. They put a rope around my neck and said your execution order has been issued verbally, you are charged with being Mofsed fi-al Arz (corrupt on earth), and we are waiting for the written order to come. I felt an hour passed like this, until someone came and announced, “For now the Leader has pardoned you, get lost.”

I was taken back to the big hall. They took off my handcuffs and gave us a few pieces of stale bread and potatoes and a glass of water that tasted awful. In the following days, I was subjected to mock executions twice more. During the last instance, I protested by saying if you want to hang me why don’t you just do it? Why all these games? Someone came forward and hit me hard in the stomach. I fell down and he continued to keep hitting me in the stomach till I was throwing up blood. He told someone else, “Take this –expletive- and impregnate him.” The other person dragged me on the floor to another room as I was very weak. In there, he  tied my hands to a handcuff that was connected to the wall, tied my feet, and pulled down my underwear. He then said “If you can’t protect your –expletive- how do you want to bring about a Velvet Revolution?” He then sexually assaulted me. I was feeling so weak and became unconscious.

When I gained consciousness, I was no longer blindfolded and was lying on a bed and tied to it with metal handcuffs. It looked like a clinic. In the bed next to me was another person who screamed nonstop; a medical worker, probably a nurse or a doctor, would came by frequently and inject him with a serum. I was constantly throwing up blood. About 16 or 17 hours passed like this. In these circumstances, someone came and stood behind my bed and told the medical staff: “Doctor, he is dying or should we finish him off ourselves?” I heard the doctor’s voice responding: “He is in terrible shape. He could cause us lots of trouble like the other two. Just get rid of him.”

A few more hours passed. They untied me from the bed, blindfolded me again and put on the plastic handcuffs. Then they asked my name and phone number. I think they took me back to the detention hall. From there they led me to a car and drove me off for about 10-15 minutes. They stopped and led me out of the car still blindfolded. They told me to count to 60 and then take off my blindfolds. I was on Sabalan Highway. It was morning time. I managed to walk to a supermarket and call a friend who came and picked me up and took me home. My  mother couldn’t believe I was alive; she thought I had been killed.

The next day, the first thing I did was to go to a psychologist.  I also talked to several lawyers and friends who recommended I file a judicial law suit. I went to the judiciary office in Elahieh and wrote up a complaint about being kidnapped. The authorities told me it is not within their jurisdiction and I should go to the Revolutionary Court. I went there but they repeated the same thing. I went to the criminal court and they wrote a letter to the Police Detective Bureau to investigate the case. From there I took the letter to the First Bureau of Detectives in Niavaran. There, the authorities told me it doesn’t relate to them and I should go to the Central Detectives Bureau in Shapour and Mowlawi intersection. I went there and the staff there asked me for the report of my disappearance that my father had filed. I told them it is filed with the First Bureau of Detectives, so they sent me back there. At the First Detectives Bureau they told me, “We cannot release your file to you,” so I returned to the Central Detective Bureau.

Finally, the authorities there stamped my letter saying the relevant crime is kidnapping and asked me to go to Branch 11 of police detective bureau . First they asked me to come back the next day, but I insisted that the signs of torture and my beatings were starting to go away and I wanted to give a testimony now. A detective eventually agreed to interview me. He told me it is probably the work of the Ministry.” I asked which Ministry and he replied: “The Intelligence ministry. If I were you I wouldn’t follow it up.” I insisted that I wanted to follow up and want to be examined by a state-certified physician. He eventually agreed and wrote a letter to the office of state-certified  medical office. When I went there, they said I should return the next day. I went back but they kept making excuses and wouldn’t examine me. I finally realized they are not willing to examine me.

A week passed and I finally decided to go meet with Mr. Karroubi. I went to his offices and told him my entire saga. He asked me to provide my testimony to Judiciary officials. Tehran’s prosecutor’s office contacted me and said they want to expedite my complaint. But then suddenly out of the blue, the official asked me, “What is your expectation from Karroubi?” I responded I don’t want anything from him.

On 19 August, I met with Mr. Mohammadi, the representative of Dorri Najaf-Abadi, the country’s General Prosecutor and I gave him my testimony. The next day, Mr. Moghaddami, the representative of Mr. Moratazivi, Tehran’s general prosecutor contacted Mr. Karroubi that Mortazavi has asked to meet with all witnesses. At 2 p.m. on 20 August, I went to Mr. Karroubi’s office and met with Mr. Moghaddami. He asked me to write down my entire testimony and I did so. Then he started asking me questions that were irrelevant to my detention and what had happened to me. He said how can we know you haven’t been paid by Karroubi to make these allegations? I was very surprised. These insinuations were repeated multiple times by Moghaddami.

He then sent me to the state-certified medical offices for examinations. The doctor there told me with nearly two months having past since the occurrence of the sexual assault, there will be no visible signs by now.

During this period, several judiciary agents had combed through my neighborhood, talking to local shopkeepers and our neighbors, collecting information about me.

On 23 August, I was due to meet with a group of parliamentarians and to provide them my testimony. That day, on the street, a car approached me and pulled over. It was a Peugeot and the driver called me over. He claimed to be a friend of my father and spoke very warmly of him and had so many details about my family; I was persuaded he is an old family friend. He offered to give me a ride. He drove me from Niavaran towards Darabad. In the car he suddenly warned me, “Look, if you give testimony to the parliamentary committee, you and your entire family will be killed in a staged accident. You know we are capable of doing it.” I was shocked that he was aware of my imminent meeting and realized he is an intelligence agent.

I left the car and realized that my family and I are in great danger, because while there is no will within the Judiciary to investigate my case,  there are much efforts to intimidate me and my family into silence and to make false accusations that I have been paid by Karroubi to make up my story. I immediately went into hiding. Subsequently my father was threatened. I left the country and since then my friends and associates have been under pressure to denounce me. Some of them have been called into the Intelligence Ministry and interrogated for hours. I fear for my family and friends’ safety in Iran.

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1 September 2009

Islamic Republic of Iran

Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review
7th session of the UPR Working Group of the Human Rights Council

Executive summary
This submission by the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran provides information under sections C and D as stipulated in the General Guidelines for the Preparation of Information under the Universal Periodic Review:

Section C briefly enumerates some of the Campaign’s concerns about the Islamic Republic of Iran’s violations of its legal obligations as a State party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Social, Economic, and Cultural Rights (ICESR), and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC).

In Section D, the Campaign makes a number of recommendations for action by the government to address areas of immediate and ongoing concern.

C. Promotion and protection of human rights

1. Particularly in the context of peaceful protests following the disputed presidential election on 12 June 2009, authorities in the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) have egregiously violated their obligations to protect civil and political rights. A cursory review of some of these violations is as follows:

2. Violations of Article 21, ICCPR. Since the disputed 12 June presidential elections, Iranian authorities have continually banned peaceful demonstrations in Iran’s main cities including Tehran, Tabriz, Mashad and Rasht, as well as elsewhere, to protest electoral fraud and to demand human rights. Security and intelligence forces as well as quasi-civilian Basiji militias on motorcycles have brutally attacked demonstrators, using batons, tear-gas, pepper-spray, water cannons, chains, live ammunition and plastic bullets, killing an as yet undetermined number. Most of the injured and killed were beaten on their heads or shot in the head or chest. Security agents have arrested injured demonstrators when they sought medical treatment in hospitals.  The use of force against demonstrators has been excessive, unlawful, and in gross violation of the standards contained in the United Nations Basic Principles on the Use of Force by Law Enforcement Officers upheld by the UN General Assembly. (Appendix I)

3. Violations of Article 9. State authorities have announced at least 4000 persons were arrested and detained for varying lengths of time. A large number were ordinary people who were taken into custody as they participated in peaceful demonstrations. The authorities have also arrested hundreds of opposition figures, journalists, human rights lawyers and activists, intellectuals, professors, students, and prominent former members of the government. In total, more than 240 persons were arrested in the first 10 days, from June 13 to 23, apparently on the basis of their political views, a process of criminalizing dissent that violates Article 19. Many of those detained were essentially “disappeared,” as they were apprehended by unidentified persons and taken to unknown places. (Appendix II)

4. Violations of Article 14.  Due process violations have accompanied all arrests.  Arrests have been made with no warrants or other court documents being presented, or on the basis of general and undated warrants giving authorities virtually unlimited license to make arrests. They have often been made late in the night or very early in the morning and families have been abused in the process. Arrests have been made by plain-clothes agents presenting no identification. Personal property has sometimes been damaged or confiscated. Detainees have been taken to unknown locations. Many of those detained are reportedly held in solitary confinement and in incommunicado detention. They have not been informed of the charges against them until trials have started. They have been prevented from contact with lawyers, and lawyers have not been informed about the content of indictments under which many of the detainees have subsequently been charged.  Indictments have not indicated which laws have been allegedly broken. A chronic problem is the Judiciary of the IRI demonstrably lacking any independence. (Appendix III)

5. Violations of Article 7. Numerous detainees have been tortured in order to produce confessions to corroborate charges against the detainees. Arrests have, in a number of cases, threatened the lives of the detainees. For example, Seed Hajjarian is a detained reformist political figure who, despite suffering from severe physical problems as a result of an assassination attempt in 2001 and needing special care 24 hours a day, was repeatedly tortured during interrogation. The treatment of other ill detainees has amounted to torture. Ebrahim Yazdi, a former Foreign Minister, was arrested and taken into detention while in the intensive care unit of a hospital. On 22 August 2009, Dr. Mohammad Maleki, a retired professor suffering from prostate cancer and confined to bed, was detained. Several detainees are known to have died in custody as a result of injuries inflicted during interrogations or neglect of wounds.  There are numerous and credible reports of the sexual abuse and rape of detainees, as well as beatings, denial of food, disallowing use of toilets, and many other forms of physical and psychological abuse. (Appendix IV)

6. Violations of Article 6, and of Article 37 (a) of the CRC. As of this writing there is still no credible government account of the number of deaths that have occurred during and after demonstrations as the authorities have taken active steps to force some families to attest that loved ones died of natural causes. Numerous credible reports suggest that the authorities have attempted to conceal the number of those killed in demonstrations, keeping bodies in makeshift morgues and burying bodies surreptitiously. Iran’s violations of the Right to Life include its application of the death penalty, making the country second only to China in the absolute number of executed people. The execution rate has jumped markedly since the onset of political stability, including several mass executions, with around 115 persons executed in a period of 50 days.  The authorities have not released all the names of those thus executed or the crimes for which they have been convicted. Iran is the world’s leading executioner of those who have allegedly committed crimes as juveniles, and well over 100 young people thus convicted and sentenced await execution on death row. (Appendix V)

7. Attention should also be given of Iran’s discriminatory laws, violating Article 26 of the ICCPR and its persecution of women’s rights activists (Appendix VI), the persecution of members of the Baha’i Faith (Appendix VII) violating Article 18, the ban on forming independent trade unions and the violent persecution of trade union activists, including inter alia Mansour Osanloo, Ebrahim Madadi, Farzad Kamangar, and Sajad Khaksari and violating Article 8 of the ICESCR (Appendix VIII), and the denial of the right to education, Article 13 of ICESCR, as numerous Iranian university students have been denied education for their peaceful expressions of political and social opinions (Appendix IX).

8. The government and legislature have taken some positive steps to address some of these problems. A detention center, Kahrizak, where severe abuses took place, was closed, and the Majlis has established an investigative committee to look into allegations.  As of this writing, only low-level officials have been charged for the crimes committed at Kahrizak; grave human rights violations have been and continue to be perpetrated in many other locations; and prisoners’ safety has not been guaranteed in connection with the Majlis investigation.

D. Recommendations for action by the State under review

9. The IRI can take a number of steps to address immediate threats to human rights connected to the repression of recent protests and to implement a national human rights strategy to bring Iran’s human rights practices into conformity with its international legal obligations.

(1) Arbitrary Arrests, Prison Conditions, Torture and Deaths of Demonstrators and Detainees

10. The IRI should initiate an immediate, independent review of those detained and serving sentences on the basis of their political views that is, of prisoners of conscience, and immediately release detainees and commute illegal sentences.

11. The IRI should issue invitations to the United Nations Special Rapporteurs on Arbitrary Detentions, Extrajudicial Executions, Torture, and Human Rights Defenders to advise and assist in this process.

12. The Majlis and Judiciary should thoroughly investigate and prosecute charges of torture and ill treatment and other violations of Iranian law, assuring victims of security if they cooperate.

13. The IRI should provide access to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to all prisons.

14. The IRI should make a full, transparent disclosure of fatalities that have occurred during and after demonstrations since the 12 June elections, and thoroughly investigate each and prosecute any responsible security, militia, or prison personnel.

15. The IRI should avail itself to opportunities to inform and train security officials, Judiciary officials, prison authorities, and police officers, regarding respect for human rights principles especially with regard to the IRI’s obligations to allow peaceful assemblies; observing UN standards for the use of force; preventing torture and ill-treatment; and respecting rules of due process and equality before the law.

16. The IRI should accede to the Convention Against Torture (CAT), and promulgate legislation and revisions to the penal code prohibiting and punishing torture consistent with the Convention.

(2) Violations of the Freedom of Expression, Association, and Peaceful Assembly

17. Bans on peaceful demonstrations and gatherings should be lifted.

18. Censorship and any restrictions on media and civil communications should end.

19. Nongovernmental organizations and activists including women’s rights defenders and human rights defenders should be allowed to function without restrictions and spurious charges against such organizations should be immediately dropped, in accordance with the provisions of the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders.  Imprisoned human right defenders including Mohammad Ali Dadkhah, Shiva Nazarahari, Kayvan Poursamimi, and Mohammad Sadiq Kaboudvand (who is serving an over 10-year sentence for his human rights activities) should be immediately released. Human rights organizations such as the Defenders of Human Rights Center should be allowed to function. (Appendix X)

(3) Death Penalty; Juvenile Executions

20. An immediate moratorium on imposing the death sentence should be imposed, pending an independent review of all pending cases that will focus on fair trials; the veracity of any confessions taken as evidence; the possible use of torture to coerce such confessions; restrictions on defense lawyers; and any other violations of due process as indicated in the Iranian constitution and Article 14 of the ICCPR, as well as in other UN standards accepted by the General Assembly.

21. The IRI should publicize all relevant facts regarding persons who have been executed in the past five years and the crimes for which they have been convicted.

22. The Majlis should pass legislation banning the execution of anyone for a crime committed before the age of 18. Laws should raise the age of legal responsibility to international standards.

23. All death sentences imposed on persons for crimes committed under the age of 18 should be immediately commuted including those sentenced to qesas for murder or to death for hodoud crimes that carry the death penalty.

24. A commission composed of members of the clergy, leading human rights advocates, members of parliament, academics, and including international experts should study the question of the death penalty and make public their discussion as part of a process of national inquiry.

(4) Changing Discriminatory Laws

25. The IRI should put an immediate end to all judicial proceedings against all women’s rights defenders involved in the “One Million Signatures Campaign” as well as those who peacefully gathered on 4 March 2007, and 12 June 2006, as they have been prosecuted and sentenced arbitrarily and in relation to their human rights activities; and ensure that women’s rights defenders who have already been sentenced be granted fair and impartial trials when appealing their sentences.

26. The IRI should take concrete steps, in collaboration with the legislature, designed to address and rectify legal discrimination against women in Iran’s civil and penal codes.

27. The IRI should sign and ratify the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).

(5) Protecting the Right to Form Free Trade Unions

28. Imprisoned labor activists, including Mansour Osanloo, Ebrahim Madadi, Farzad Kamangar, and Sajad Khaksari should be immediately released pending an independent review of all detentions, charges, and sentences imposed upon trade union activists.

29. Attacks on peaceful May Day demonstrators should be repudiated and violence against demonstrators investigated and prosecuted.

30. The IRI should implement the core conventions of the International Labor Organization (ILO), and ratify C87 (Freedom of Association) and C98 (Right to Organize).

31. The Majlis should initiate a revision of the IRI’s labor laws to bring them into conformity with ILO standards and with Article 13 of the ICESCR.

(6) Protecting the Rights of Ethnic and Religious Minorities

32. The IRI should drop charges against and release imprisoned members of the Baha’is faith, and end discrimination in education, employment, other relevant areas, and investigate acts of violence against Baha’is by authorities.

33. The IRI should eliminate all arbitrary arrests, infringements on civil liberties including the freedoms of assembly and association, and protect the linguistic and cultural rights including the right to use their mother tongue of minority group members including members of the Arab, Kurdish, Baluchi, Sufi, Azerbaijani, and Christian communities, as well as many other groups. Minority rights activists, including Azerbaijani activist Saeed Matinpour who advocates for the rights of Azerbaijanis to speak their mother tongue, should be released, and the IRI should take active steps to combat ethnic discrimination.

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APPENDICES:

Appendix I: Violations of the Right to Peacefully Demonstrate and Assemble

Eyewitness account of Amir Toufanpour’s death
Eyewitness account of Tehran protests – 9 July 2009
Eyewitness account of demonstrations – 20 June 2009
17 July 2009 Campaign statement
15 July 2009 Campaign statement
10 July 2009 Campaign statement
19 June 2009 Campaign statement
17 June 2009 Campaign statement
15 June 2009 Campaign statement
14 June 2009 Campaign statement
13 June 2009 Campaign statement

Appendix II: Arbitrary Arrests

List of those Detained Arbitrarily and Killed since 12 June elections
8 July 2009 Campaign statement
23 June 2009 Campaign statement
17 June 2009 Campaign statement
17 June 2009 Campaign statement

Appendix III: Violations of Due Process Rights

8 July 2009 Campaign statement

Appendix IV: Torture in the Islamic Republic of Iran

10 August 2009 Campaign statement
30 July 2009 Campaign statement
27 July 2009 Campaign statement
6 July 2009 Campaign statement

Appendix V: Violations of the Right to Life and Rights of the Child

Norooz.com Editor’s explanation of secret burial news
List of 114 Juvenile Offenders on Death Row

Appendix VI: Persecution of Women’s Rights Activists in the Islamic Republic of Iran

Campaign report on the systematic repression of the women’s rights movement – May 2008

Appendix VII: Persecution of the Baha’i Community in the Islamic Republic of Iran

List of Baha’is currently imprisoned in Iran
14 May 2009 Campaign statement
17 February 2009 Campaign statement

Appendix VIII: Trade Unions and Workers’ Rights

Campaign background on workers’ rights in Iran
17 May 2009 Campaign statement
8 May 2009 Campaign statement
1 May 2009 Campaign statement

Appendix IX: Detention and Expulsion of University Students

List of students detained, released, and died in custody

Appendix X: Persecution of Human Rights Activists and Human Rights Organizations

25 June 2009 Campaign statement
30 December 2008 Campaign statement
19 December 2008 Campaign statement

Here is the list of those killed and detained in Iran, updated as information becomes available. The list is by no means comprehensive and does not include the great majority of people arrested at protests on the streets.

The Campaign has the names of 19 people who have been killed by government forces.

The list currently includes the names of 242 detainees, including 121 political personalities, 25 journalists, 9 professors, and 87 students. These are prominent personalities who have been detained at their homes or places of work by unidentified agents and taken to undisclosed locations. They are mostly held in incommunicado detention and have no access to legal council.

On 10 July, Tehran’s prosecutor general, said that more than 2,500 people have been detained in Tehran alone, with 500 still in detention. The Campaign believes, based on reports received from within Iran, that many more could be under arrest throughout the country. The following is a list of prominent political personalities, journalists, and students that the Campaign has received. This list does not include citizens detained during street protests.

Click here for alphabetized list

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Killed by Government Forces:

On 1 July, Tehran’s police chief admitted at least 20 fatalities in Tehran but the true numbers are most probably much higher. The Campaign has been able to identify only the names of a few persons killed in Tehran during recent protests because of the extreme restrictions imposed by the government. There are also reports of fatalities in other cities but the Campaign has not been able to collect any reliable information.

1. Neda Aghasoltan, student, was murdered at the demonstration in Tehran on 20 June 2009

2. Naser Amirnejad, Aerospace PhD student, was murdered during the attack on the Tehran University dormitories on the night of Wednesday, 14 June 2009. His body was buried in his hometown, one of the villages in the city of Yasouj on 19 June 2009.’

3. Mehdi Karami, 17, killed in Janat Abad Street, Tehran, 15 June 2009

4. Kianoosh Assa, chemistry student at Elm va Sanaat University, killed in Tehran

5. Yaghoub Barvayeh, master’s degree student at Tehran University, shot in the head in Tehran near Lolagar mosque, died in Loghman-e-Hakim Hospital on 25 June

6. Kaveh Alipour, killed in Tehran

7. Hossein Tahmassebi, 25, was beaten to death with batons to his chest at Nobahar street in Kermanshah on 20 June

8. Davoud Sadri, 25, killed on 15 June in Mohammad Ali Jenah Street, in front of a Basij base in Tehran.

9. Sohrab Aarabi, 19, died of gunshot wounds to his heart

10. Fatemeh Samsarian, killed during the silent march in Azadi Sqaure on 15 June, her son was also shot

11. Mohsen Ruholamini, the son of a supporter of unsuccessful presidential candidate, Mohsen Rezai, died of meningitis and was returned to his family reportedly bearing marks of torture and ill-treatment

12. Amin Javadifar, a student detained on 9 July, reportedly died in detention

13. Saeed Abasi, 27 year old store manager, was shot in the head on 30 June in clear sight of his father during a protest

14. Ramin Qahremani, 30 year old who was tortured in prison and whose body was delivered to his family recently. According to the Norooz website, he was arrested in his home after agents identified him from a bank security camera. He was kept in prison and tortured for 10 days before being released. He told his mother that for several days he was suspended from his feet. He was taken to the hospital a few days before being released for internal bleeding in his chest. Ramin’s body was buried under the supervision of the police forces.

15. Alireza Eftekhari, 29 year old journalist who worked for the economic newspaper, Abrar

16. Mostafa Ghanian, graduate architecture student at Tehran University, was shot in his head while chanting “God is Great” on top of the roof of the 8 levels building in Saadatabad in Tehran by plain clothes officers on 16 June and died immediately.

17. Ashkan Sohrabi, 18, was shot and killed on 20 June in Tehran demonstrations

18. Taraneh Mousavi, was arrested on 28 June near to the Masjed Ghoba, she was reported as disappeared for several weeks and finally her burned body was found around Ghazvin. It was reported that she was severely sexually abused while she was in detention. Her case was denied by the State while the reformist candidate, Karoubi, revealed the entire story.

19. Mohammad Kamrani, 18, was arrested in Tehran on 9 July 2009 and was transferred first to Kahrizak detention center and later to  Evin prison. On 15 July 2009, his family was informed that he was in Evin and he was transferred to Loghman hospital under guard control. His family was able to get permission to transfer him to Mehr hospital but he died on 16 July in the hospital because of his severe injuries.

20. Abbas Disnad, teacher and shop owner in Karoun Street in Tehran, was beaten by batons to his head and suffered a stroke while on his way back home on 20 June 2009. He went into a coma for 3 days and died in Shahriar Hospital.

21. Ramin Ramezani, 20, serving compulsory military service, was shot during a demonstration in Tehran on June 15 and died in the hospital.

22. Behzad Mohajer, 47, was shot in the chest on 15 June 2009 in Tehran. After 47 days, his frozen body was returned to his family.

23. Sorour Bromand, 58, was shot and killed in Tehran on 15 June 2009,

24. Fatemeh Rajab pour, 38, was shot and killed in Tehran on 15 June 2009

25. Hamid Madah Shourche, a member of Mousavi’s campaign in Mash’had, was arrested while he was protesting in Goharshad Mosque in Mash’had. He was tortured and died a few days after his release, in the first week of July, because of brain hemorrhaging.

26. Masoud Hashemzadeh, 27, was shot and killed on 20 June in Tehran and buried in Khoshkebijar in Rasht.

27. Pouya Maghsoud Baygi, medical student in Kermanshah, was arrested on 20 June by Intelligence forces in Kermanshah and was tortured to death in the prison.

28. Alireza Tavasoli, 12, died due baton beatings to his head in Beheshtzahra on 30 July, and buried in Arak.

29. Farzad Hashti, killed in Tehran

30. Mahmoud Reisie Najafi, shot in Azadi Square on 15 June while he was returning home. He remained alive for 13 days but his family was afraid to take him to the hospital. Report in Farsi here

Injured people arrested by Intelligence Ministry and no information about their fate:

1) Ramin Rasouli

2) Farhad Azhari

3) Majid Nik

4) Mohammad Hossein Rafiee

5) Ali Asgari, he was shot in the eye and taken to Farabi Hospital

6) Farshid Karimi, was in Imam Khomeini Hospital

——————–

The following list was published widely in Farsi, and the Campaign is trying to confirm them. The following list was selected among the list published in http://greenmartyrs.com/2:

1. Arman Estakhri, 18, beaten by batons to his head and went into a coma and died on 13 July 2009.

2. Abolfazl Abdolahi, 21, was shot and killed on 25 June 2009 on Azadi Street in Tehran

3. Ahmad Naiem Abadi, was shot and killed on 25 June in Tehran,

4. Amir Kaviri, high school graduate, no more information

5. Iamn Hashemi, was shot and killed on 25 June 2009 in Azadi Street in Tehran,

6. Iman Namazi, student of civil engineering at Tehran university, died during the attacks on Tehran University dormitories on 20 June.

7. Babak Sepehr, 35, shot and killed on Azadi Street,

8. Shayler Khezri, student, died during the attack on Tehran University dormitories, was buried in Piranshahr, Kurdistan

9. Bahman Jenaiee, 20, was shot and killed

10. Hamed Besharati, 26, was shot and killed on Azadi Street

11. Hossein Akhtarzand, died in Isfahan

12. Tina Soudi, shot and killed in Enghelab Square on 25 June

13. Hossein Akbari, was arrested and later his family was asked to get his body from the Emam Khomeini Hospital. His death was recorded as the brain trauma and marks from baton hits were on his body at the time his family received his body.

14. Hossein Kazemini, 19, shot and killed during a demonstration

15. Salar Ghorbani Param, 22, shot and killed during a demonstration in Tehran

16. Salar Tahmasebi, 27, graduate student in Rasht, was shot and killed in Tehran on 25 June

17. Saeed Esmaieeli Khanbebin, 23, died due to baton hits to his head and was buried in Khanbebin in the province of Golestan

18. Sayed Reza Tabatabaiee, was shot and killed on 25 June in Tehran on Azerbayjan Street

19. Ali Shahedi, 24, was arrested and transferred to the police station in Tehran Pars in Tehran and died on 26 June from baton hits to his head

20. Ali Fathalian, died in front of Lolagar Mosque in Tehran during a demonstration in Tehran.

21. Fatemeh Barati, student, died during the attacks on Tehran University dormitories

22. Farzad Jashni, died in Tehran and his body was buried in Abdanan in Ilam on 19 June

23. Fahimeh Salahshour, 25, died due from head injuries on 15 June in Tehran

24. Mobina Ehterami, student in Tehran, died during the attack on Tehran University dormitories on 14 June

25. Moharam Chegini Ghashghaiee, 34, no more information

26. Mohsen Hadadi, 24, shot in the head on 25 June in Tehran

27. Mohammad Hossein Barzegar, shot in the head on 17 June in Haft Tir Square in Tehran

28. Mohammad Hossein Fayzi, 26, no more information on his heath

29. Mohammad Nikzadi, 22, shot in the chest and killed in Vanak Square on 16 June in Tehran

30. Maryam MehrAzin, 24, shot and killed on Azadi Street

31. Masoud Khosravi, shot and killed on 20 June 2009 on Azadi Street

32. Mostafa Kiarostami, 22, died from head injuries sustained during Friday prayer on 17 July after he was transferred to the hospital

33. Moazez, 27, shot in the eyes on 25 June on Azadi Street in Tehran

34. Maysam Ebadi, 17, shot and killed on 13 June in Falakeh sadeghieh in Tehran

35. Milad yazdanpanah, 30, shot and killed on Azadi Street in Tehran

36. Nader Naseri, shot and killed on 25 June in Tehran on Khosh Street and was buried in Babol, in northern Iran

37. Vahed Akbari, 34, shot and killed on 25 June in Vanak

38. Vahid Reza Tabatabaiee, 29, shot and killed on 24 July in Baharestan in Tehran

39. Parisa Keli, 25, shot in the neck on 21 July on Keshavarz Boulevard in Tehran

40. Kambiz Shoaie, student, died during the attacks on Tehran University Dormitories on 14 June

41. Kasra Sharari, student, died during the attacks on Tehran University Dormitories on 14 June

42. Saeedeh Pouraqaee, died in custody after being arrested by plainclothes Basij officers while chanting “Allah-u-Akbar” on a rooftop. After 20 days, her body was identified by her mother in a cold storage facility in southern Tehran. She was beaten while in custody and acid was poured on her body. She was secretly buried by security forces in Section 302 of Behesht Zahra Cemetery.

There are also several hundred injuries about which there is no available information. Some of the injuries could be life threatening. The Campaign has been informed that Ashkan Zahabian, a member of the Modern Faction of the Islamic Students Association of Ferdowsi University has been severely injured after attacks by members of Basiji Militia and is currently in a coma.

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Arrested and in Detention:

Click here to view alphabetized list

I. Political personalities and members of the reformist presidential candidates’ campaigns:

1) Dr. Qorban Behzadinejad, director of Mir-Houssein Moussavi’s campaign, arrested on 24 June

2) Mostafa Tajzadeh, a member of the Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolutionary Political Organization and  deputy of the Interior Ministry during Khatami’s presidency, was arrested on 13 June

3) Behzad Nabavi, a founding member of the Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolutionary Political Organization and former minister and parliamentarian, was arrested on 13 June and released the day after.  He was arrested on 16 June for the second time

4) Mohsen Mirdamadi, General Secretary of  the Iranian Participation Front and former parliamentarian, was first arrested on 13 June and released the day after, but was  disappeared on 17 June

5)  Saeed Hajarian,  a senior adviser to reformists,  a journalist, member of the Central Council of the Iran Front Participation, member of the first City Council in Tehran,   the victim of an assassination attempt in 2000, was arrested on 15 June, is paralyzed and suffers serious brain and spinal cord injuries

6)  Abdollah Ramezanzadeh, Vice president of the Iran Front Participation, coordinator of  the reformist campaign in Kurdistan and former government spokes person during Khatami’s presidency, was arrested on 16 June

7)  Ali Abtahi, a senior adviser to Karroubi’s Campaign, former Deputy of  Parliament Office of President Khatami, and a vice president under Khatami, was arrested on 16 June

8)  Abdolfatah Soltani, a human rights lawyer and one of the founding members of the Human Rights Defenders Center as well as a member of Executive Board of the Bar Association, was arrested on 16 June

9)  Javad Emam, a member of Tehran branch of the Islamic Revolutionary Political Organization

9)  Hojat Esmaieli, a member of the Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolutionary Political Organization

11) Mohsen Safaiee Farahani, member of the Iran Front Participation and the head  of its Implementation Board,  and former president of the Football Federation,

12) Ali Tajernia, a member of the Central Committee of the Iran Participation Front and former parliamentarian

13) Baghier Oskouiee, leading official in Karroubi’s campaign, was arrested on 16 June

14) Saeed Laylaz, prominent economist and Journalist, was arrested on June 17

15) Kourosh Zaim, a member of the Central Council of the Iran National Front, was arrested on 21 June

16) Davoud Solaymani, a member of the Central Committee of the Iran Participation Front  and former parliamentarian

17) Mohammad Tavasoli,  director of the political office of the Freedom Movement in Iran and first  Mayor of Tehran after the  1979 Revolution, was arrested on 16 June

18) Hossein Zaman, a  well-known pop singer whose works have been banned from State controlled Radio and Television because of his support for the reformist movement

19) Mohsen Aminzadeh, a founding member of the Iran Participation Front and former Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs in Khatami’s  cabinet, on June 16

20) Saeed Shirkvand, member of Central Council of Iran Participation Front and former Deputy of Treasury in Khatami’s cabinet

21) Ahmad Zaydabadi, general secretary of the Advar organization and journalist, was arrested on June 13

22) Abdolah Momeni, member of the central council of the Advar organization and  its spokesperson, was arrested on 21 June

23) Hamed Iranshahi, member of the Central Council of Advar organization, was arrested on June 16

24) Musa Saket,  a member of the Advar Tahkim Vahdat and in charge of the campaign seeking  supporters of Karroubi, was arrested on 18 June

25) Mohammad Atrianfar, a leading member of the Kargozaran Sazandegi Party and journalist, was arrested on 16 June

26) Jahanbakhsh Khanjani, a member of the Kargozaran Sazandegi Party and former spokesperson for the Internal  Affairs Ministry in Khatami’s presidency

27) Ebrahim Khoshchehreh, a political activist in Lahijan and member of National Religious Activits, was arrested on 21 June

28) Khoshchehreh, son of Ebrahim Khoshchehreh, was arrested in Lahijan on 21 June

29) Mohsen Bastani, member of the Islamic Revolutionary Political Organization in Isfahan

30) Mehrdad Balafkan, member of the Islamic Revolutionary Political Organization in Isfahan

31) Ahmad Afjeiee, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran

32) Emad Bahavand, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran

33) Mojtaba Khandan, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran

34) Saeed Zeraatkar, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran

35) Rouholah Sahraee, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran

36) Ali Mehrdad, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran

37) Mohammad Reza Ahmadinia, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran

38) Reza Arjaini, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran in Zanjan

39) Jalal Bahrami, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran in Zanjan

40) Sadegh Rasouli, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran in Zanjan

41) Ahad Rezaiee, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran in Zanjan

42) Bagher Fathali Baygi, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran in Zanjan

43) Mansour Vafa, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran in Zanjan

44) Ali Pourkhayri, member of the Iran Participation Front

45) Shahin Nourbakhsh, member of the Iran Participation Front

46) Ali Taghipour, member of the Iran Participation Front

47) Mohammad Shokuhi, member of the Iran Participation Front

48) Ashkan Mojaleli, member of the Iran Participation Front

49) Maysam Varahchehre, member of the Iran  Participation Front

50) Mahdian Minavi, member of the  Iran Participation Front

51) Farhad Nasrollahpour, member of the  Iran Participation Front

52) Amir Ariazand, member of the Iran Participation Front

53) Adel Dehdashti, member of the Iran Participation Front

54) Mahmoud Ebrahimi, member of the Iran Participation Front

55) Bahram Kardan, member of the Iran Participation Front

56) Shahabobdin Tabatabaiee, the head of the Youth Supporters of  the Moussavi  Campaign

57) Mohammadreza Jalaieepour, a student in Oxford University and website manager of the youth branch of the Iran Participation Front, arrested on June 17 in Tehran Airport

58) Saeed Nourmohammadi, member of the Iran Participation Front

59) Ali Mohaghar, a member of the Kargozaran Sazandegi party

60) Hedayatollah Aghaiee, a member of the Kargozaran Sazandegi party

61) Ali Waghfi, member of Moussavi’s Campaign in Tehran

62) Hamzeh Ghalebi, member of Moussavi’s Campaign in Tehran

63) Saeed (Hassan) Nikkhah, member of Moussavi’s Campaign in Tehran

64) Hesam Nasiri, member of Moussavi’s Campaign in Tehran

65) Ehsan Bagheri, member of Moussavi’s Campaign in Tehran

66) Homaiee, member of Moussavi’s Campaign in Tehran

67) Fatahi, member of Moussavi’s Campaign in Tehran

68) Zakeri, member of Moussavi’s Campaign in Tehran

69) Rouholah Shahsavar, member of Moussavi  Campaign in Khorasan

70) Mohsen Rouzbehan, member of Moussavi Campaign  in Khorasan

71) Maryam Ameri, member of Karroubi’s Campaign

72) Naseh Faridi, member of Karroubi’s Campaign

73) Morteza Khani, member of Karroubi’s Campaign

74) Bagher Oskouiee, member of Karroubi’s Campaign

75) Siamand Ghiyasi, member of Karroubi’s Campaign in Kermanshah

76) Mohammad Jafari, member of Karroubi’s Campaign in Kermanshah

77) Dr. Jalil Sharabianlu, a prominent MD and surgeon in Tabriz

78) Dr Ghafar Farzadi, in Tabriz

79) Majid Jabari, in Tabriz

80) Rahim Yawari, In Tabriz

81) Abbas Pourazhari, in Tabriz

82) Dr. Laya Farzadi, in Tabriz

83) Shabeti, in Tabriz

84) Shamlu, in Tabriz

85) Dr. Ghafarzadeh, in Tabriz

86) Dr. Soltaniazad, in Tabriz

87) Dr. Panahi, in Tabriz

88) Dr. Seyflou, in Tabriz

89) Dr. Dadizadeh, in Tabriz

90) Mehdi Yarbahrami, in Tabriz

91) Mansour Ghafari, in Tabriz

92) Hojatollah Amiri, in Tabriz

93) Amir Hossein Jahani, in Tabriz

94) Rhdah Rahimipour, in Tabriz

95) Mehdi Khodadadi, in Tabriz

96) Payam Haydar Ghazvini, student in Gazvin

97) Nasim Riahi, student in Gazvin

98)  Mojtaba Rajabi, student in Gazvin

99)  Atar Rashidi, student in Gazvin

100) Hanieh Yousefian

101) Mohammad Bagher Alavi, member of the Freedom Movement

102) Hashem Khastar, member of the Teachers Trade Association, arrested  at Mellat Park on 13 June in Mashhad

103) Jafaar Ebrahimi, member of the Teachers Trade Association, arrested at his home in Islamshahr, southern Tehran, on 13 June

104) Alireza Hashemi, General Secretary of the Iranian Teachers Organization, affiliated with the Islamic Participation Front, arrested in Tehran on 15 June

105)Kambiz NOrrouzi, Legal Secretary of the Journalists Association, arrested on 30 June

106) Amir Hussein Shemshadi, director of Mousavi’s Khordaad 88 Campaign

107) Mohammad Ali Dadkhah, a prominent human rights lawyer and founding member of the Defenders for Human Rights Center, arrested at his law office on 8 July 2009

108) Malihe Dadkhah, daughter of Mohammad Ali Dadkhah and an employee at the Defenders of Human Rights Center, arrested on 8 July 2009

109) Sara Sabaghian, employee at the Defenders of Human Rights Center, arrested 8 July 2009

110) Bahareh Dowaloo, employee at the Defenders of Human Rights Center, arrested 8 July 2009

111) Amir Raiisian, employee at the Defenders of Human Rights Center, arrested 8 July 2009

112) Kian Tajbakhsh, Iranian-American sociologist, arrested on 9 July at his home and taken to an undisclosed location

113) Kaveh Mozafari, women’s rights activist and member of the One Million Signature Campaign, arrested on 9 July 2009 in Tehran

113) Fayzolah Arabsorkhi, a member of the central body of the Islamic Revolution Mujahedeen Organization and the former deputy minister of commerce, arrested on 7 July

114) Jalal Mohammadlou, a member of the youth branch of the Iran Participation Front in Tehran, arrested on 5 July while being taken to the hospital

115) Seyed Aesi Mir-Salimi, head of the National Trust Party in Nazar Abad, was arrested on 3 July in the street while waiting behind a traffic light in Tehran

116) Saleh Dadem, son of the famous writer Iskender Dadem, active in Karoubi’s campaign, arrested on 16 June in Behaqi Terminal while leaving for a trip

117) Mohammad Sonategar, arrested on Thursday 18 June in Revolution Square during a demonstration

118) Mohsen Panahi, arrested on 24 June in Baharestan Square, married only 6 months ago there has been no word from him since his arrest

119) Ehsan Kianarsi

120) Mojtaba Kazemi, arrested on Monday 18 June in Tehran and taken to Evin prison, remains there without a judgment in his case

121) Mohsen Makouee Rouhani, was arrested in his home at 2 am after demonstrations on 15 June

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II) Journalists:

Some of the journalists who were also political personalities are listed above under the political personalities. The list of detained journalists has also been independently verified by Reporters without Borders.

1)  Mohammad Ghouchani, journalist and editor in charge of daily Etemad e Meli, was arrested on 18 June

2)  Rajabali Mazrouiee, head of the Journalists Association, was arrested on 20 June

3)  Karim Arghandehpour,  a blogger (http://www.futurama.ir/) and reporter for pro-reform newspapers Salam, Vaghieh and Afaghieh, was arrested on 14 June

4)  Maziyar Bahari, an Iranian-Canadian dual national, journalist and the representative of Newsweek in Iran, was arrested on 22 June

5)  Kayvan Samimi Behbahani, editor in chief of the closed monthly Nameh and human rights activist, was arrested on 14 June

6)  Zhila Baniyaghoub, journalist and editor in charge of the Iranian Women’s Center website, was arrested on 20 June

7)  Bahman Ahmadi Amoui, journalist, was arrested on 21 June

8)  Mojtaba Pourmohsen, journalist and  Radio Zamaneh’s representative in Rasht, was arrested on 15 June

9)  Mahsa Amraiee, journalist , was arrested on 14 June

10) Behzad Bashou, cartoonist, was arrested on 14 June

11) Sayed Khalil Mirashrafi, TV producer was arrested on 14 June

12) Abdolreza Tajik, journalist was arrested on 14 June

13) Rohollah Shahsavar, journalist was arrested in Mashhad, was arrested on 17 June

14) Mashallah Haydarzadeh, journalist in Boushehr,  was arrested on 14 June

15) Amanolah Shojaiee, journalist in Bushehr, was arrested on 14 June

16) Somayeh Touhidlou, sociologist and blogger in the Road of Health

17) Shiva Nazarahari, journalist and member of the Reporters of Human Rights Committee, arrested on 13 June

18) Hassan Maadikhah, director of the Zareh Publication and son of Abdolmajid Maadikhah the former Cultural and Guardiance Minister

19) Fariborz Soroush, arrested in Karaj

20) Mojtaba Tehrani, Journalist at Etemaad Melli daily, arrested on 29 June

21) Masoud Bastani, journalist and husband of Mahsa Amrabadi who is pregnant and in incommunicado detention since 14 June. On 5 July when Bastani inquired from the authorities about the fate of his pregnant wife, he was also arrested.

22) Issa Saharkhiz, reformist journalist arrested on 5 July at his home in Tehran

23) Mohammad Reza Yazdanpanah, journalist and weblogger, arrested on 7 July

24) Marjan Abdollahian, employee of Hamshahri newspaper, arrested on 9 July

25) Kouroush Javan, photojournalist detained in Tehran

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III) University professors:

Click here to view alphabetized list

1) Dr. Ardeshir Amirarjomand, chair of UNESCO’s Democracy and Human Rights Program at Shahid Beheshti University

2) Hossein Reisian, university professor at International Emamkhomaini University in Ghazvin, was arrested on June 21

3)  Fazli, university professor at International Emamkhomaini University in Ghazvin

4)  Imani, university professor at International Emamkhomaini University in Ghazvin

5)  Alborzi, university professor at International Emamkhomaini University in Ghazvin

6)  Darvish, university professor at International Emamkhomaini University in Ghazvin

7) Izadi, professor of Bualisina University in hamedan, was arrested on June 16

8.) Majzoubi, professor at Bualisina University in Hamedan, was arrested June 13

9) Ali Mohades, director of Information Technology and faculty of science at Amir Kabir University, arrested on 24 June following a meeting of 70 professors with Mir Hussein Mousavi

——————–

IV) University students:

Click here to view alphabetized list

[The names of students who were arrested during the attack on the Tehran University Dormitories are based on information released by the Reports of Human Rights Committee]

1)  Marjan Fayazi, student at Mazandaran University, was arrested on June 22

2)  Sogan Alikhah, student at Mazandaran university, was arrested on June 22

3)  Alireza Kiani, student at Mazandaran university

4)  Milad Hosseini Koshtan, student at Mazandaran university

5)  Ali Nazari, student at Mazandaran university

6)  Siavoush Safavi, student at Mazandaran university

7)  Ashkan Zahabian, student at Mazandaran university

8)  Ali Dinavari, student at Mazandaran university

9)  Rahman Yaghoubi, student at Mazandaran university

10)  Maziar Yazdani, student at Mazandaran university

11)  Ali Abbasi, student at Mazandaran university

12)  Shouaneh Merikhi, student at Mazandaran university

13)  Majid Dari, an expelled student at Alameh Tabatabaiee University in Tehran, was violently arrested on 21 June in his home

14)  Esmaiel Jalilvand, a student activist in Shiraz University, was arrested on 21 June

15)  Hamdollah Namjou, a student activist in Shiraz University, was arrested on 21 June

16)  Mohsen Barzegar, student at Babol Engineering Univeristy, was arrested on June 18

17)  Iman Sedighi, student at Babol Engineering Univeristy, was arrested on June 18

18)  Hesam oldin Bagheri, student at Babol Engineering Univeristy, was arrested on June 18

19)  Siavash Saliminejad, student at Babol Engineering Univeristy, was arrested on June 20

20)  Alireza Khoshbakht, an expelled graduate student, was arrested on June 17

21)  Zahra Tohidi, an expelled graduate student, was arrested on June 17

22)  Ziaoldin Nabavi, secretary of the Education Rights Council, was arrested on 16 June

23)  Sohrab Ahadian, student at Tehran University, was arrested on 17 June when the Tehran University dormitories were violently attacked

24)  Reza Arkouzi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

25)  Karim Emami, student, was arrested during the attack on the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

26)  Mohammad Hossein Emami, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

27)  Elaheh Imanian, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

28)  Rouholah Bagheri, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories at midnight on June 14

29)  Farhad Binazadeh, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

30)  Iman Pourtahmasb, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

31)  Ezat Torbati, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

32)  Milad Chegini, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

33)  Mohammadreza Hohabadi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

34)  Seyed Javad hosseini, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

35)  Farshid Heydari Zamin, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

36)  Behnam Khodabandeh lou, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

37)  Mohammad Khansari, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

38)  Mohammad Davoudian, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

39)  Mahmoud Delbari, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

40)  Ali Raiee, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

41)  Omid Rezaiee, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

42)  Ali Refahi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

43)  Seifolah Rmezani, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

44)  Ebrahim Raidian, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

45)  Naser Zamani, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

46)  Majid Selahvand, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

47)  Hanif Salimi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

48)  Mohammad Bagher Shabanpour, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

49)  Hamed Shaykh alishahi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

50)  Iman Shaydaieezaban, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

51)  Farhad Shirahmad, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

52)  Saman Sahebjalali, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

53)  Farhan Sadeghpour, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

54)  Farshad Taheri, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

55)  Ghamdideh Olum, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

56)  Esmaieel Ghorbani, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

57)  Mohammad Karimi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

58)  Erfan Mohammadi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

59)  Naseh Faridi, student at Teacher Training University, was arrested on June 17

60)  Amin Nazari, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

61)  Mohammad Sayadi, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

62)  Reza Arab, Secretary of the Islamic Students Association at Mazandaran University, arrested on 29 June

63)  Mostafa Mehdizadeh, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

64)  Omid Sohravi, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

65)  Vahid Amirian, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

66)  Fazolah Joukar, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

67)  Mehdi Torkaman, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

68)  Nastaran Khodarahimi, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

69)  Ali Ahmadi, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

70)  Mosaab Ebrahimi, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

71)  Saeed Parvizi, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

72)  Bahareh Hosseini, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

73)  Hadis Zamani, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

74)  Nahid Siahvand, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

75)  Imani, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

76)  Ali Shojai, student at Hormozgan University, director of Mehdi Karoubi’s student campaign in Hormozgan, detained on 18 June

77) Amir Kolhar, student at Azad University in Karaj, detained on 21 June

78) Ehsan Ehsani, student in Mazindaran, detained on 24 June

79) Hamidreza Jahantigh, student at Noushirvan University in Babol, arrested on 24 June

80) Mohammad Sayadi, student at Buali University in Hamadan, arrested on 25 June plainclothes agents on the street

81) Pedram Rafati, Amir Kabir University student who was arrested on 15 June by plain clothes security officers near his dormitory

82) Payman Aref

83) Hesam Salamat, who had been expelled from Tehran University, arrested on 6 July

84) Hesam Nasiri, student at Azad University in Tehran

85) Nima Nahvi, a student at Anoushirvan Engineering University in Babol, arrested on 1 July

86) Mohammad Qaem Maqami, master’s degree student at the Technical College at Tehran University

87) Payam Pournag, master’s degree student in Physics, was arrested during attacks on universities on 13 June

——————–

Arrested and Released:

Click here to view alphabetized list

1)  Mohammad Reza Khatami, member of the Central Committee of Iran Participation Front, brother of former president Khatami, was arrested on 13 June and released on  14 June

2)  Zahra Mojaradi, a member of the Iran Participation Front, was arrested on 13 June and released on 14 June

3)  Saeed Shariati, a member of the Iranian Participation Front, was arrested on 13 June and released on 14 June

4)  Taghi Rahmani, political figure and journalist, was arrested on 14 June and released the day after

5)  Reza Alijani, political figure, was arrested on 14 June and released the day after

6)  Hoda Saberi, journalist, was arrested on 14 June and released the day after

7)  Faezeh Hashemi Rafsanjani, and her daughter and two other members of Rafsanjani’s Family were arrested on 20 June and released after 30 hours

8)  Ebrahim Yazdi, General Secretary of the Iran Liberation Movement, was arrested on 14 June from the Pars Hospital in Tehran and was taken back to the hospital on June 15 for further surgery

9)  Ahmad Ahmadian, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories mid night on 14 June and released later

10)  Eskandari, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories at midnight on 14 June and released later

11)  Amin Afzali, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories midnight on 14 June and released later

12)  Vahid Anari, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories mid night on 14 June and released later

13)  Mohammad Bolourdi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories at midnight on 14 June and released later

14)  Hossein Hamedi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories at midnight on 14 June and released later

15)  Mohsen Habibi, Mazaheri, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories at midnight on 14 June and released later

16)  Navid Haghdadi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran university Dormitories at midnight on 14 June and released later

17)  Mohammad Reza Hokmi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories at midnight on 14 June and released later

18)  Kazem Rahimi Olume, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories at midnight on 14 June and released later

19)  Morteza Rezakhani, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories at  midnight on 14 June and released later

20)  Maysam Zareiee, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories at midnight on 14 June and released later

21)  Amin Samiee, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories at midnight on 14 June and released later

22)  Bahram Shaabani, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories at midnight on 14 June and released later

23)  Alireza Shaykhi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories mid night on 14 June and released later

24)  Ebrahim Azizi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories mid night on 14 June and released later

25)  Siavash Fiaz, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories mid night on 14 June and released later

26)  Sayed Hossein Mirzadeh, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories mid night on 14 June and released later

27)  Hossein Noubakht, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran university Dormitories mid night on 14 June and released later

28)  Javad Yazdanfar, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran university Dormitories mid night on 14 June and released later

29)  Habib Khadangi, student, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran university Dormitories mid night on 14 June and released later

30) Hamideh Mahouri, journalist in Bushehr, was arrested on 14 June and released on 19 June

31) Hossein Shokouhi,a journalist in Bushehr, was arrested on 14 June and released on 19 June

32) Mohammad Mostafaiee, a lawyer who defended many youth offenders who was arrested on the street in Tehran on 25 June. He was released on $100,000 bail and charged with “acting against national security.”

33) Siavash Hatam, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan, released on 30 June

34) Pouria Sharifian, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan, , released on 30 June

35) Mehdi Mosafer, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan, , released on 30 June

36) Reza Jafarian, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan, , released on 30 June

37) Hojat Bakhtiari, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan, released on 30 June

38) Kaveh Servati, member of Moussavi Campaign, was arrested on 20 June and released on the same day

39) Mostafa Ghavanloo Ghajar, was arrested on 22 June and released on 4 July

40) Iason Athanasiadis, national Greek/British journalist, freelancing for the Washington Times, detained on 17 June

1 June 2009

——

Your Excellency,

I am writing on behalf of the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran to express our alarm about threats to the health and safety of imprisoned labor leader Mansour Osanloo, and to appeal urgently for your intervention.

We are seriously concerned for Mr. Osanloo’s life. He is held in Rajaiee Shahr prison, in Karaj, along with violent criminals who have threatened his life. He could die as a result of such attacks and ensuing mayhem. He should not be held under such dangerous circumstances. Furthermore, having served more than half of his prison term, the Iranian laws allow for his release, which we urge you to immediately implement.

Mr. Osanloo has been violently attacked twice in the past 10 days. On 19 May 2009, he was assaulted by a group of prisoners, and only escaped harm by being defended by others. On 30 May 2009, Osanloo’s life was threatened by Morteza Lak Tabrizi, one of the violent criminals with whom he is currently confined.  While other prisoners managed to pull away Lak Tabrizi, he threatened Osanloo by repeatedly screaming, “I will have you cut into pieces with a knife.” We understand Lak Tabrizi is one of the most dangerous criminals inside Iranian prisons. Holding Osanloo in his proximity and exposing  him to such threats only exacerbates our concerns.

Osanloo’s aging mother and his wife are also in vulnerable situations, witnessing how his life is threatened inside prison and his health deteriorating. They have made several attempts to submit a letter to your office but your staff refused to accept their petition addressed to you, treated them rudely, and ignoring their submission, they were expelled from the premises.

Osanloo’s health situation has been deteriorating for many months. Numerous human rights and labor organizations, as well as international organizations and governments, have expressed concern about the lack of proper attention to his severe health problems; about the fact that he is inappropriately  incarcerated along with some of the most dangerous convicted criminals in Iran; and about the fact that Osanloo is a political prisoner and a prisoner of conscience, whose only “crime” has been his work on behalf of the legitimate rights of workers in Iran.

The continued neglect of Osanloo’s life-threatening health problems and threats against him by other prisoners can easily result in further deterioration or even his death.  Official medical experts have warned that he cannot tolerate continued imprisonment under the prevailing conditions. As you know, under international law, Iranian authorities are legally responsible for the welfare of prisoners under their supervision.

At this point, Mr. Osanloo has served over half of his sentence, and has been allowed no vacation from prison. According to his lawyer, he can be released at this time, a course of action we respectfully ask that you consider.

We will be deeply grateful for your urgent intervention in this matter, which, if left unattended, can result in a tragedy with far-reaching, negative consequences for Iran.

Translated by the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran:

On 10 January 2009, Branch 15 of the Islamic Revolutionary Court in Tehran, which I preside over according to the ruling number 1/82/17126 dated 27 January 2004, issued by the respected head of the Judiciary, held its hearing for file case numbers D/T/10099/87, D/T/10096/87, D/T/10097/87, and D/T/10278/87. The purpose of this session was to consider charges against Arash Alaei, son of Sha’ban; Kamiar Alaei, son of Sha’ban; Silva Harotonian, daughter of Khachatoor; and Mohammad Ehsani, son of Majid. Thus, in accordance with the content of their files and having heard the last defense of the defendants and their lawyers, I declare the end of these proceedings and issue the court’s decision as follows.

Court’s Decision

With regards to the specific charges brought against:

1. Arash Alaei, son of Sha’ban;  born in 1348(1969); with birth certificate number 14554; a medical doctor from Kermanshah who resides in Tehran; has no prior penal record; Moslem; Iranian citizen; detained on the following charges:

a. Actions against domestic security by way of cooperation with the government of the United States of America against the sacred Islamic Republic of Iran;

b. Possession of alcohol and possession of satellite equipment.

2. Kamiar Alaei, son of Sha’ban; born in 1353(1974) with birth certificate number 71;  a medical doctor from Kermanshah who resides in Tehran; has no prior penal record,  Muslim; Iranian citizen; detained on the following charges:

a. Actions against domestic security by way of cooperation with the government of the United States of America against the Islamic Republic of Iran.

3. Mohammad Ehsani, son of Majid;  born in 1352(1973) with birth certificate number 14; Muslim; from Tabriz who resides in Tehran; has no prior penal record; Iranian citizen;  filmmaker; detained on the following charges:

a. Actions against domestic security by way of cooperation with the government of the United States of America against the Islamic Republic of Iran;

b. Propaganda activities against public order against the Islamic Republic of Iran.

4. Silva  Harotonian, daughter of Khachatoor; born in 1353(1974) with birth certificate number 1017; born in Tabriz; Iranian citizen; resident of Armenia; of Armenian religion; has no prior penal record; employee of the American organization IREX; detained on the following charges:

a. Actions against domestic security by way of cooperation with the government of the United States of America against the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The Process (Gardeshkar)

The effort  to confront and oppose the Islamic Republic of Iran has been consistently a priority of  United States national security doctrine during recent decades. Accordingly, various proposals have been made,  including military confrontation by imposing a war, confiscation of property and assets (economic sanctions), destructive political propaganda and cultural invasion, supporting political opposition movements, fomenting terrorist and anti-regime groups, attempts to isolate [Iran] on regional and global stages, supporting ethnic movements to cause disintegration, assisting the distribution of harmful narcotics within Iran through eastern borders, attempts to divert the path of social movements with the goal of aligning them with movements to overthrow the state, and  challenges of the nuclear program. All of the above are actions that despite much financial and human capital investments as well as propaganda attempts, have widely failed.

In recent years, United States military and intelligence organs, having failed both to confront Iran militarily as well as to  achieve a change in the direction of the Iranian government and people through carrot and stick policies and military threats, have initiated a new policy. They have changed the direction of their hardline approach by implementing a policy of soft and gradual regime change. Two key points of this new policy are regime change and changing the behavior of the regime. [The U.S. government] attempts to attract and employ elements from non-governmental organizations (NGOs), journalists, bloggers, members of the intellectual and educated class, scientific leaders, social movements, and students by creating organic linkages. Such linkages aim to transfer and inject the necessary values to the body of the above mentioned groups and create a divergence between the values of the ruling class and those of the people. This divergence in values [between the society vs. the state] will eventually cause a rift between the state and the people and transfer sovereignty to the minority [who has captured] the majority [of public opinion] and causes the majority of the masses to believe in the values of a system to the liking of the United States, thus resulting in a surrender of sovereignty. At this stage , the political leadership will either  surrender to the social pressure of the masses and their civil resistance or it will allow changes to its policies that will be to the liking of the American government. With the addition of tough economic sanctions, street riots, and if necessary with tactical and limited military strikes, the fall [of the state] will result.

After the failure of plans implemented by the Soros Foundation and the Open Society [Institute], the arrest of their representative inside the country (Kian Tajbakhsh) ,and [their failure] to reach  their goal to bring about desired changes  and overthrow the ruling system by using the popular potential to overcome limitations, American intelligence services planned an alternative project based on the concept of exchanges. As such, American elements coordinated with scientific and research centers in that country and invited certain well-known personalities to induce the impression of the necessity of exchanges between the United States and Iran.

According to the confessions of the defendants as well as judicial and intelligence investigations, the four stages of advancing covert American actions in the country [Iran] are:

1 – Implementation of the plan for a regional initiative by the Soros Foundation (OSI)

2 – Implementing exchange programs

3 – Public health diplomacy

4 – Bilateral interactions (travels and visits by Iranian and American citizens to each country)

It is necessary to note that preventative actions, confessions of the defendants, as well as an analysis of American intelligence policies reveal that the management, policy-making, planning, and organizing of these projects are carried out by American intelligence agencies. Other centers such as the State Department and [American] non-governmental organizations have the responsibility to provide cover and superficially coordinate [these projects] and make arrangements to persuade targeted persons to participate in such gatherings.

Aiming at  these objectives, [American] intelligence stations in Turkey, Azerbaijan, Germany, England, and the UAE started their activities. The responsibility for the regional command was given to the Dubai office under the cover of the Special Office for Iranian Affairs. The Dubai office worked with institutions such as the Aspen Institute, Asia Society, OSI, IHRD, CDC, NIC, ILB, and universities such as Harvard, John Hopkins, Maryland, Yale, New York, Stanford, San Francisco.  Using the multi-million dollar budget allocated by the Congress for this purpose and under the cover of the State Department and the Institute of International Education (IIE), [these projects] were  implemented, with the covert planning of American intelligence services, and thus the exchange program was put into action. Ramin Agsari and Allen Eyre are among the American intelligence agents who played an important role in implementing these actions through the Dubai office. From another side, in the country of Armenia, the American organization IREX, as a cover, and with the management of Ms. Azita Zohrabian and its representative Silva Harotonian, the fourth defendant in this case, under the cover of scientific, public health, and cultural cooperation entered  into action and took on another part of the project. These cover institutions planned and implemented their activities according to the following framework.

1-     Determining subjects [of interest] (medical groups, lawyers, fashion designers, university faculty in the field of crisis management, clerics, artists, documentary-makers, photographers, women, etc ….)

2-     Identifying and activating the heads of internal networks for choosing individuals (such as the defendants of this case)

3-     Selection and confirming desired individuals for travel and training

4-     Sending emails and invitation letters as a cover (issued by institutions and non-governmental organizations)

5-     Holding justifying meetings and coordinating inside the country (because of lack of security and intelligence concerns around hospitals and medical clinics, these meetings were primarily held in such places)

6-     Sending individuals to Dubai for briefings by intelligence officers (under the cover of the State Department)

7-     Holding briefings, coordination, and issuing visas (outside the queue)

8-     Sending subjects to the United States

9-     Entrance to the U.S. and being welcomed by State Department Officials

10-  Participation in training workshops

11-  Receiving the core [of the program] and activities inside the country (according to a mushrooming network) and following security concerns and covert-activity methods

12-  Starting the activities of the individuals within the masses and in lower and middle levels of the society. Implementing actions such as producing propaganda movies, opening websites and counterrevolutionary satellite channels abroad, penetrating scientific centers and universities, instigating ethnic , women’s and student movements, presenting an unacceptable atmosphere from inside the country, weakening religious and national beliefs, and defaming State and government officials.

Within these goals, defendants number  1 and 3 were among those responsible for the network and implementers. Defendant number 2 mainly was in charge of coordinating activities with the United States, and defendant number 4 was the representative of IREX in Armenia and active in Iran.

The term “Motekhasem” [enmity] is from the root word “Khasm” meaning “enemy.”  In dictionaries it is defined as having  enmity with one another. The term “Khasm” is also used in the sacred Qur’an (Sura 38, Ayah 64) meaning having enmity towards each other. In legal terminology, two sides of a legal argument are also called “Motekhasem,” while it is clear they are not engaged in armed conflict with each other. It is interesting to note the term “Jang” [war] does not necessarily mean an armed battle, as expressions such as “Cold War” which is the height of propaganda war between two countries, is well-known in international affairs. In the laws of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the legislature did not use the term “Enemy Government” to mean necessarily a government that is at war with Iran (part 6, article 11, The Armed Forces Penal Code) and the intention of the legislature, in using the phrase “enemy,” is not an entity that is at war with Iran. According to article 25 of the Armed Forces Penal Code, passed in 2003, enemy comprises groups and governments who are at war with the Islamic Republic of Iran, or intend to overthrow it, or whose activities are against national security.

Therefore under Iranian laws, referring to a foreign and enemy government is not necessarily a government that is engaged in armed conflict but is a government whose interactions with Iran are not friendly or impartial but are based on enmity.

Indeed, the great flag-bearer of the pure Islam of Mohammad, Imam Khomeini, said it so well:  that today all our troubles stem from America, our number one enemy and the Great Satan.

Therefore, noting the reasons outlined below:

A-     Reports submitted by the Judicial-Legal Office of the Counter-Intelligence Office of the Intelligence Ministry of the Islamic Republic of Iran;

B-     Explicit and implicit confessions of the defendants including:

Defendant #1 (Arash Alaei)

h-1-1

h-1-4: The defendant’s confession to effective cooperation with the IREX organization in identifying and sending individuals to Armenia within the framework of exchange activities with cooperation of defendant #4 (Silva Harotonian) and Ms. Azita Zohrabian the manager of the said organization (pages 7,8,59 and 60 of volume 1 of the file)

h-1-7: The defendant’s confession to organizing and implementing exchange programs and sending individuals to the United States with the coordination of American officials and institutions (pages 21,25,28,29,33,61, and 62 of volume 1 of the file)

h-1-8: The defendant’s confession that he was aware and conscious that exchange activities are implemented by the U.S. State Department and intelligence services, and their  budget is determined and paid by the Congress; and that introduced individuals for travel to the U.S. are evaluated by American officials and depending on their abilities to implement exchange programs are accepted (page 24, volume 1 of the file)

h-1-9: The defendant’s confession that because of the security nature of exchange programs he has taken steps to keep it from the public and has not publicized it in the media (page 25, Volume 1 of the case), and his confession that he has been aware that entering the exchange project had security implications and dangers (page 41 of the file)

h-1-10: The defendant’s confession that after entering the exchange program and holding  training sessions in Washington, he became aware that the executive goal of these rounds was to make contacts with the Iranian people and government with the aim of changing state behavior according to the goals and interests of the United States

h-a-11: The defendant’s confession that in the exchange programs, individuals from various groups and levels  were chosen such that after the implementing trainings, they would become active in the society along the goals of the project, and ultimately cause changes in the behavior of the Iranian government, in the interests of the United States, through creating social pressures.

h-1-16: …..

Defendant #2 (Kamran Alaei)

h-2-2: The defendant’s confession to cooperating and participating with defendant #1 (his brother) in executing the exchange programs

h-2-3: The defendant’s confession to identifying and introducing Iranian specialists for participation in directed seminars and exchange programs in coordination with IREX, ILB, and the Aspen Institute

h-2-4 The defendant’s confession to meeting and contacting  essential elements with a program for soft and gradual overthrow of the Iranian state within the framework of exchange programs, including with those named as : Sana, Charis, Ramin Asgari, Ms. Jalilian under the cover of the U.S. State Department. Within these objectives, the defendant confessed that the ultimate and major aim of the exchange programs is to influence the participants to pressure the Iranian government to make changes desired by the United States

h-2-5 The defendant’s confession to participating in exchange activities with the cooperation of defendant #4, Ms. Silva Harotonian, and with coordination by the American organization IREX, and meeting the said defendant in the Hotel Jam-e Jam coffee shop and making email contact with the American organization IREX

h-2-6: ….

Defendant #3 (Mohamad Ehsani)

[This section is blank]

Defendant #4 ( Silva Harotonian)

0-4-1: The defendant’s confession that she has been the coordinator of exchange programs by the American organization IREX, resident in Armenia, and that she has been the representative of this organization in Iran (page 6, Vol. 4 of the file). Within this capacity, the defendant traveled three times from Armenia to Iran with the aim of identifying and sending individuals to the U.S. for the exchange program (pages 5,6,24, 25, Vol. 4)

0-4-2: The defendant’s confession to identifying, evaluating, and justifying individuals for IREX for sending to the U.S. with the cooperation of Arash Alaei (page 12, vol. 4)

0-4-3:The defendant’s confession to working with Ms. Azita Zohrabian, the director of IREX for supervising the case of a group of Iranians to travel in May 2008 for the purpose of visiting health professionals in the field of Mother and Child Care (page 6, vol. 4)

0-4-4: The defendant’s confession that the purpose of IREX was to disseminate American culture with the aim of promoting the government’s interests and that the goal of the U.S. government is to make desired changes in Iran in this way (pages 10-17, and 18, vol. 4)

0-4-5: The defendant’s confession that noting her illegal activities within the framework of the exchange program, she performed her activities in a concealed way based on the recommendation of Dr. Alaei. (page 9, vol. 4)

And according to  other evidence their guilt is established, thus invoking articles 500, 508, and 702 of the Islamic Penal Code; and article 9 of the Law to Prevent Use of Satellite Receivers,

Defendant #1: Six years imprisonment

With regard to possession of alcoholic beverages, 4 years imprisonment is converted to 10 million Rials ($10,000) fine

Defendant #2: Three Years Imprisonment

Defendant #3: Three Years Imprisonment

Defendant #4 (Silva Harotonian) is sentenced to three years imprisonment.

However with regard to charges of membership in an armed opposition group for defendants # 3 and 4 (Mohammad Ehsani and Silva Harotonian), noting the content of their cases and their defense, because of lack of sufficient evidence and invoking article 37 of [not clear of which law], they are acquitted. The duration of their detention should be counted towards their sentence, based on the amendment to article 295 of the Criminal Procedures Code.  This ruling may be appealed within 20 days in the appeals court.

Director of Branch 15

Salavati

English translation

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Full Lower Court Ruling PDF

Appeals Court Ruling PDF

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Lower Court Ruling Page 1 PDF

Lower Court Ruling Page 2 PDF

Lower Court Ruling Page 3 PDF

Lower Court Ruling Page 4 PDF

Lower Court Ruling Page 5 PDF

Lower Court Ruling Page 6 PDF

(Sent via email on 13 January 2009)

Dear Emerlynne Gil,

Thank you for your message. I just submitted the Letter to the Legal Unit of the Commission. It is worth mentioning that the Legal Unit of the Commission informed me of the fact that, just after receiving the news, it took immediate action and wrote to the judicial authorities asking for information about the case.

According to the Follow-up Unit of the Commission, The only received report of authorities states there is no judicial case for any of the DHRC’s members, and lack of formal license for establishment and organizational activity has been declared the reason of closure.

As it is commonly clear, there are some political challenges and dissensions between some members of the organization and the government. The Commission hopes that the political challenge could be settled through legal measures and constitutional principles, by respecting human rights norms.

As soon as I received any further reports and any other updates from the legal Unit, I will share.

If I can be of any further assistance, please feel free to write.

Best Regards,

Mehrdad Fallahi
International Affairs,
Iranian Islamic Human Rights Commission (IHRC)

Mr. Mohammed Hassan Ziaifar
Chairperson
Islamic Human Rights Commission of Iran
North Sohrevardi Street, Gharghavol Alley
Number 6
Teheran
Islamic Republic of Iran

——————————

Dear Mr. Ziaifar,

We write to you today to express our deep concern regarding the recent closure of the Defenders of Human Rights Center (DHRC) in Tehran on 21 December 2008. According to our sources, at around 3:00pm on that day, right before the DHRC was about to start their event commemorating the 60th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR), police and security officials arrived at the DHRC’s premises and shut down and sealed its offices without a court order. Moreover, according to our sources, these police and security officers also physically assaulted one of the members of DHRC, Mr. Ismaiel Zadeh.

Before police and security officers locked and sealed the offices of the DHRC, they took a video of the premises and also filmed guests who were arriving for the celebration of the 60th Anniversary of the UDHR. They prevented these guests from entering the DHRC’s premises and confiscated the cameras of journalists who were present that day.

Allegedly, the reason for the closure of the offices of DHRC is that it is not currently registered with the government.

We believe that the closure of the offices of the DHRC is inconsistent with Article 22 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which states that everyone has the right to freedom of association with others. It is also inconsistent with Article 5 of the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, which provides that everyone has the right, individually and in association with others, to form, join, and participate in nongovernmental organisations, associations, or groups.

There are indeed allowable restrictions to the freedom of association, but it is a basic principle under international human rights law that procedural formalities for the registration of organisations should not be too burdensome as to amount to a substantive restriction on the right to free association. Restrictions on the right to freedom of association must be clear, precise, unambiguous, and more importantly, should be prescribed by law. These restrictions should never be used to perpetrate repressive practices of the government.

We would like to point out that the DHRC has undertaken to register with the Interior Ministry since its establishment in 2000, and has detailed these efforts to submit all the required documents in its 3rd statement, issued on December 24, 2008. However on September 21, 2006, the head of the Interior Ministry Commission who is responsible for approving the constitution and registration of any group, stated in an interview with the Islamic Republic News Agency that the HRDC is not illegal, and that the delay in issuing its licence is the fault of the Interior Ministry.

Finally we would also like to remind you of the recommendations made in the Concluding Statement of the 13th Annual Meeting of the Asia Pacific Forum (APF) in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, wherein it “requested that the Iranian Islamic Human Rights Commission make efforts to protect human rights defenders and promote the registration of such organisations in accordance with the Iranian Constitution and national law.” 1

We therefore strongly encourage the IHRC to abide by international human rights law and the request of the APF and actively facilitate the registration of non‐governmental organisations. We also strongly encourage the IHRC to conduct an investigation into the issue of the closure of the offices of the DHRC, with a view towards helping the organisation re‐open its premises and resume in conducting its activities in promoting and protecting human rights in the country.

We shall be grateful to hear your response on this matter. We look forward to hearing from you soon. We remain committed to engage with you in your work promoting and protecting human rights in Iran.
Sincerely,

Emerlynne Gil
Coordinator
Asian NGOs Network on National Human Rights Institutions

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1 Paragraph 14, Concluding Statement at the 13th Annual Meeting of the Asia Pacific Forum (APF) of National Human Rights Institutions, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.

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The following are the members of the Asian NGOs on National Human Rights Institutions (ANNI):

ADVAR – Iran
Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK) – Bangladesh
Asian Center for Human Rights (ACHR)
Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
Cambodian League for Promotion and Defence of Human Rights (LICADHO)
Center for Human Rights and Development (CHRD) – Mongolia
Center for Organizing Research and Education (CORE)
Citizens’ Council for Human Rights Japan (CCHRJ) – Japan
Commission for Disappearances and Victims of Violence (KONTRAS) – Indonesia
Defenders of Human Rights Center – Iran
Education and Research Association for Consumer Education (ERA Consumer)- Malaysia
Hong Kong Human Rights Monitor (HKHR) – Hong Kong
Human Rights Organisation of Kurdistan
Indonesian Human Rights Monitor (IMPARSIAL) – Indonesia
Indonesian NGO Coalition for International Human Rights Advocacy (HRWG)-Indonesia
Informal Service Sector Center (INSEC) – Nepal
Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (ELSAM), Indonesia.
International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran
Japan Federation of Bar Associations (JFBA) – Japan
Judicial System Monitoring Program (JSMP) – Timor Leste
Korea House for International Solidarity (KHIS) – Korea.
Law and Society Trust (LST) – Sri Lanka
Lawyers’ League for Liberty (LIBERTAS) – Philippines.
Maldivian Detainees Network (MDN) – Maldives
People’s Watch – India
Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates (PAHRA) – Philippines
Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) – Malaysia
Taiwan Association for Human Rights (TAHR) – Taiwan