The letter, which was published on 9 March 2010, has the 2003 Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Shirin Ebadi’s signature under it. In the aftermath of the Iranian elections, more than 13 execution sentences were issued for protesters, two of which have been carried out so far. The Defenders of Human Rights Center is comprised of distinguished Iranian human rights attorneys who have been under severe pressure from Iranian intelligence and judicial organization, some of whom have been informally barred from accepting the cases of political prisoners. The Defenders of Human Rights Center states its reason for publishing this letter is the emergence of news about the surge of death sentences, as in the case of Mohammad Amin Valian, the young student who is accused of throwing rocks during Ashura Day protests.

Part of the letter states: “You are aware that Iran is one of the countries in which, unfortunately, death sentences are still issued and carried out, and over the recent years, this has placed Iran in the second position on a list of countries with the death penalty, and in first place in executing children under the age of 18. During the events of the past eight months, also, we have witnessed repeated and severe violations of human rights on a large scale. This has brought harm to many Iranian families, much of which is irreparable.”

The letter continues with describing the ways in which such sentences are issued: “One of the things which will never be compensated for is the loss of tens of our innocent fellow countrymen, some of whom died on the streets and some in illegal detention centers under inhumane conditions, and some through execution sentences. Some of those who lost their lives were not even among the post-elections protesters, but killed by bullets or beaten to death with unimaginable brutality on the streets. Of course many of them were peaceful protesters who received bullets, batons, torture, and death in response to their peaceful protests.”

The authors of the letter expressed surprise at “murderers of the Iranian youth, who created tragedies in Kahrizak and Tehran University dormitories, living in peace and complete safety.” They have also objected to the “mohareb” charge and the subsequent maximum penalty, i.e. execution, for young people who participated in the peaceful protests,who were confronted with excessively violent actions of officers and plainclothes agents who enjoy immunity, and who in order to defend themselves, or through an excited state of youth, picked up rocks.”

Addressing the Head of Iranian Judiciary, Shirin Ebadi asked: “The question is whether based on Sharia, wisdom, logic, and legal grounds there is a reasonable relationship between these irrevocable and irreparable sentences and the peaceful behavior of the protesters? Doesn’t issuing such sentences intensify the perception of political conduct within the Judiciary? I am sure as a knowledgeable source about Islamic rules, and like any other God worshiping, truth seeking individual, you cannot justify and defend such rulings the way those who are issuing these sentences do, and in your position as Head of the Judiciary, which is responsible for safeguarding and implementing justice, you cannot remain silent.”

The letter continues: “You are well aware that these sentences have no justification according to Iranian laws either, and they are certainly regarded as inhumane, anti-Sharia, and anti-humanity. Even if such behavior from certain parties is driven by Iran’s political circumstances and aimed to create fear and intimidation in the society, it is still the wrong thing to do, as issuing and implementing execution orders deeply hurts the conscience of the society, leading to public dissatisfaction and suspicion of the regime, and heightening social objections which will benefit no one. Considering the country’s sensitive and dangerous circumstances both internally and internationally and in the region, the Defenders of Human Rights Center strongly objects to execution orders and the hurried implementation of these unfair sentences. The Center emphatically and insistently requests your prevention of heavy sentences such as execution, and that a remedy be devised for the orders already issued. We ask that the Judiciary’s trend of release of political prisoners, which is a good and necessary action for the Iranian society, continues, offering Iranian families joy and hope on the threshold of Nowruz.”

This source also told the Campaign: “The three journalists’ bails were posted three days ago and their families are awaiting their release. Different sources report that the releases are underway and in all likelihood, they will be released over the coming days. The releases are presently only awaiting the signature of Tehran’s Prosecutor.”

Pourostad, Montajebei, and Mehrabi are prominent Iranian journalists with reformist newspapers. Pourostad has published eight books in the area of media laws. Montajebi is a well-known journalist who writes in the area of politics. He has worked with newspapers such as Yas-e No and Shargh and has served as an editor with Shahrvand-e Emrooz weekly. The aforementioned source also told the Campaign that the three journalists have occasionally been denied their weekly visitation from their families and it is still not clear what their charges are.

Abdollah Momeni               $800,000             Temporarily released     March 6, 2010
Mohammad Ali Abtahi       $700,000              Released                        November 22, 2009
Ahmad Zeid Abadi              $500,000              Remains in prison
Seyed Ahmad Ahmadian     $500,000              Released                        December 25, 2009
Zia Nabavi                           $500,000             Remains in prison
Mohammad Ali Dadkhah   $500,000              Released                        September 11, 2009
Maziar Bahari                     $300,000              Released                       October 17, 2009
Clotilde Rice                         $300,000             Released                       August 17, 2009
Mansoureh Shojaee             $250,000              Released                       January 26, 2010
Mohammad Davari             $200,000             Remains in prison-unable to post bail
Shiva Nazar Ahari               $200,000             Released                        September 23, 2009,
re-arrested December 20, 2009, remains in prison

Hesam Salamat                 $200,000           Released                           August 19, 2009
3 years confirmed sentence
Mahsa Amrabadi               $200,000              Released                       August 24, 2009
Mohammad Ghoochani     $200,000              Released                       October 30, 2009
M. Reza Jalaeepour           $200,000              Released                       September 14, 2009

Fazlollah Arab Sorkhi, a member of the Islamic Mujahedin Organization, received a bail order set of approximately $1 million. Behzad Nabavi, also a member of the Islamic Mujahedin Organization and former Deputy Speaker of the Iranian Parliament, was released on an $800,000 bail last November. Even student activist Peyman Aref faced a $100,000 bail. The International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran requests the Iranian Judiciary to end the trend of heavy and unreasonable bails, which is against Iranian law, and end the abuse and harassment of families of political prisoners.

Iranian Judiciary authorities, who under pressure from public opinion have no other choice but to release hundreds of individuals baselessly arrested after the elections, have either been issuing heavy sentences for political prisoners in trials which lack even the most basic elements of international standards for fair and objective courts, or they have been issuing disproportionately heavy bail amounts.

Many political prisoners whose bail has been set at amounts ten times larger than their financial capability, use help from their friends, family, and relatives to raise bail. But because bail amounts sometimes remain at the Judiciary for years without a final court ever convening, families face serious problems in this area.

Background:

Article 132 of Iranian Penal Code approved in 1999, stipulates that setting bail is a way of having access to the suspect and his timely attendance in courts when necessary and for preventing flight or hiding or mutiny, emphasizing that: “The judge is responsible for defining a security measure after the suspect has been informed of his charges.” Item 4 of this Article lists “receiving bail whether in cash or through bank guarantee notes or real or other property,” as a way for the courts to have access to the suspect after release and in a note explains: “Note: The judge is responsible for issuing an acceptance of custodianship or bail to the custodian or bail poster (if the bail poster is other than the suspect), explaining to him that should the suspect be subpoenaed and he fails to appear without acceptable excuse, or should the custodian or bail poster fail to introduce the suspect to the courts, the posted bail will be confiscated according to law.”

Therefore, the judges have been issuing multi-million Toman (hundreds of thousands of dollars) bails for intellectuals and political activists. while laws limit judge regarding bail amounts. In Article 134 of the said Code it is emphasized: “Posting bail must be proportionate to the importance of the crime, severity of the punishment, reasons and instruments of charges, and the probability of the suspect’s flight or disappearance of the crime evidence, suspect’s health conditions, age, and his reputation.”

The bail amount will remain in the Iranian Judiciary’s custody until, as Article 139 of the Code states: “when the suspect appears at set times or after them with the ability to prove his acceptable excuse, or when the case file ends, the bail will be refunded or the custodian will be relieved from his responsibility.”

Hassan Assadi also believes that the Minister’s threats are not a new phenomenon and that they have been consistently implemented over the past four years, forcing many faculty members into resignations or early retirements and depriving many university students of their right to continue their education due to their political activities.

The interview follows:

Campaign: During his speech last Thursday, the Minister of Science said students or faculty members within Iranian universities who are against Islam or valayat-e faghih will be put aside, or in other words expelled, from the educational system. Considering Iranian laws and Iran’s international commitments and the fact that Iran’s Constitution recognizes the rights of all members of the society to education and employment regardless of  their political beliefs, what do you think will be the consequences of these statements for students and faculty members?

Hassan Assadi: Look, I don’t believe Mr. Daneshjoo’s statements are anything new. I mean the actions he is promising to take place are not a part of a new, unprecedented plan. He may not have a long track record of operational management, but according to laws and policies of the country, “belief” and not just “commitment” to the Islamic Republic regime and the concept of velayat-e faghih have been constant requirements of selection processes within the Iranian legal system. This is not anything related to recent years; it goes back to the 1980’s.

According to these laws, enjoyment of certain rights and government privileges such as employment require the applicant to prove his belief in the regime and the ruling ideology.

The Selection Departments which are fully active in all government offices and organizations and enjoy a lot of power were set up for this purpose. The Iranian Parliament has passed multiple laws over the past decades and these laws have been confirmed by the Guardian Council to be in accordance with Sharia and the Constitution.

The ideological selection process in the Islamic Republic is a process of violating human rights and it must be viewed as a set of definitive and mandatory rules, which through unfair selection procedures and discrimination, systematically prevents citizens from their rights to have public appointments.

This is explicitly against Item 2 of Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights which says: “Everyone has the right of equal access to public service in his country.” These discriminatory laws are also against Item 3, Article 25 of United Nations Covenant on Civil and Political Rights which states “…to have access, on general terms of equality, to public service in his country.” This Covenant was signed by the Iranian government and according to Iranian Civil Law, international commitments are regarded the same as internal laws. Therefore a serious contradiction now exists in the Iranian legal system.

Campaign: Whom do you think the Minister’s statements include?

Hassan Assadi: Considering the fact that the very approval of such discriminatory laws is based on an ideological view, these laws have been implemented in an increasingly serious and vigorous way within academic environments over the past 30 years. The Islamic Republic of Iran has never allowed faculty members who have opposing views to the ruling ideology, especially in humanities, to enter the universities. The Minister of Science is now claiming the existence of such people in Iranian universities.

Also, we mustn’t forget that almost all university professors today are among those who received their education after the Iranian Revolution and who have been selected for employment during the past 30 years, so they have gone through all the selection scrutiny. Therefore there is nothing new in Mr. Daneshjoo’s statements, unless he means something different than the rules and procedures which have been implemented over the past years when he uses the words “regime” and “velayat-e faghih.”

Campaign: Will we be witnessing more violations of the right to education or teaching on political grounds?

Hassan Assadi: I don’t believe we will be facing a one-time event, like what happened in 1980. We are facing a process which started several years ago; of course it has taken new dimensions after Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s election in 2005. Over the past four years, may humanities professors have retired or they have somehow been prevented from teaching.

Are there any statistics about this?

Hassan Assadi: From personal experience, more than 80% of faculty members who were teaching human rights at graduate level at Allameh Tabatabaee University in 2006 are now deprived from teaching. This situation is also more or less present in other universities. The threat the gentlemen are posing now is an attack which has already taken place and even its evidence has disappeared. They didn’t even have mercy on individuals who were closest to the Islamic Revolution ideology. It may be that for Ahmadinejad’s consecutive cabinets, the meaning of Islamic Republic is something entirely different from what it meant to previous cabinets. It may be that by “regime” in Mr. Daneshjoo’s statements, he means the Ahmadinejad government, not the Islamic Republic or the Constitution, as those close to Ahmadinejad have repeatedly named his election “another revolution.” Well, a revolution is nothing but the overthrow of the previous regime. If we take note of this point, perhaps a lot of things will come to light.

How do you see the future?

Hassan Assadi: I think what we will be seeing is an acceleration of the trend to replace the faculty members. I mean the project to filter the professors is almost complete, but it will not stop. But the project which has started and will intensify is hiring new professors in the humanities area, professors who will basically be coming from security organizations or those who develop security theories. This point is quite clear in Daneshjoo’s recent remarks, when he says “we don’t lack committed forces,” he means this project will intensify. But even so, a fundamental point must not be forgotten.

There is a famous saying about Iranians which says, “The Iranian nation has digested its aggressors in itself.” This capability also exists in the scientific and academic arena as well. Changing the professors will not unite the universities in one direction. Free from students and professors, the university has an independent nature which continually reproduces and because it relies on truth and science, it will gradually overcome the other elements. This is exactly what happened after the “Cultural Revolution [of 1980].” This is a fact our brand new statesmen don’t notice.

Semyari’s release orders from Ward 209 of Evin prison were issued after his bail of $500,000 and his custodianship of $100,000 were posted. “The Semyari family had said earlier that they could never be able to post such a heavy and unreasonable bail,” a student activist told the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran. “Semyari’s uncles posted bail by bringing deeds to three homes which added up to 500 million Tomans, paying most of the heavy bail. ”

Semyari, a member of the board of Daftar Tahkim-e Vahdat, who was arrested on 4 January for a meeting he never had with European Parliament members, was sentenced to six years in prison in a show trial presided by Judge Salavati. It should be mentioned that after Semyari’s arrest for an unrealized meeting with a special delegation of European Parliament during a trip that was canceled, Barbara Lochbihler sent a letter to the Iranian Ambasaddor in Brussels, objecting to this illegal detention.

The municipal council agrees:

1- To declare its concern about the persistent and recurrent violation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran, according to the A/C.3/64/L.37 resolution of the General Assembly of the United Nations.

2- To express its preoccupation with the response of the Islamic Republic of Iran government, after the June 12, 2009 elections and the parallel increase of violation of human rights.

3- Urging the United Nations Spanish and Andorrans delegations to continue working in favor of the fulfillment of the specific statements of the resolutions approved by the General Assembly of the United Nations and on the completion of their obligations, with full respect of the Islamic Republic of Iran for human rights.

4- To condemn the news from the Islamic Republic indicating that they are working toward the development of nuclear armaments and Iran’s confirmation as a “Nuclear State” mentioned by its president, Ahmadinejad, recently.

5- To support the nomination of  Ramin Jahanbegloo for the XXX Peace Prize, by the United Nations Assembly in Barcelona.

The International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran is grateful for the defense of human rights in Iran by the Olympic city of Barcelona.

Likewise, our deepest appreciation to those who have made this resolution possible: to Mr. Jordi Hereu (the Mayor of Barcelona), Mr. Xavier Trias (the President of the CiU group in the city of Barcelona), all the political forces of the Barcelona City Council and Mrs. Eulalia Pascual (the President of the Catalan Federation of  NGOs for Human Rights).

Campaign: Mr. Misaghi, you are a member of the Right to Education Committee. Why did you form this Committee and what is the situation with the Committee members right now?

Hessam Misaghi: This Committee was formed as an independent organization to regain the general right to education. Most of its members were Bahai students who had been deprived of education, but the Committee was working to regain the rights of all students deprived from education on grounds such as gender discrimination, suspension and dismissal orders for critical students, as well as deprivation of education for Bahai students, which has a long record.

This Committee had several meetings last May and June in different Iranian cities with the aim to disseminate information, something which was unprecedented under the oppressive conditions of Iran. The first meeting was held in Tehran. I participated in the meetings as the Spokesperson for the organization, so I delivered speeches. Navid Khanjani was the founder and Head of this independent organization. The Committee was established as an independent organization to regain the general right to education. Three Committee members were arrested within 24 hours and three other members’ homes were searched.

Who are the other Committee members who have been arrested or are being pursued?

Hessam Misaghi: Dorsa Sobhani, one of our Committee colleagues in Sari is under immense pressure. Her father was arrested by six people yesterday and was interrogated blindfolded and handcuffed while he was beaten. Eeghan Shahidi, a Committee colleague in Kermanshah was arrested early in the morning on March 3rd. Sama Nourani, a Shiraz colleague who has been deprived from her medical engineering education at Tabriz Sahand University was arrested on March 3rd. I must add that after joining the Committee of Human Rights Reporters, our Committee’s central members established a new organization named “Society Against Educational Discrimination,” and this is how threats and arrests of members of Committee of Human Rights Reporters came to be related to arrests of our organization which is a defender of the right to education.

Were you summoned, too?

Hessam Misaghi: I was summoned on January 2nd. I didn’t show up at the Ministry of Intelligence. On March 3rd they stormed my home and the home of Sepehr Atefi, one of our colleagues in the Right to Education Committee and searched the premises. I have to add that we were an independent organization and our only objective was to defend the right to an education.

What were your group’s objectives regarding the right to education?

Hessam Misaghi: We ask for freedom of thought for university entry. The Right to Education Committee has been dissolved. All our colleagues are now active with the Society Against Educational Discrimination.

What do you think is the reason for the confrontation with this group? Is it because some of the members are Bahais? Or is it because the Ministry of Science has consistently denied the “starred student” phenomenon? Or are there other reasons?

Hessam Misaghi: The government deprives applicants and students from their education, as well as arresting people who are activists around this subject. I think the arrests of these individuals is not related solely to their being Bahais. These individuals were involved in civil activities to defend student rights. The rulers neither approve of their being Bahais, nor their civil activities. Bahais’ joining the Iranian civil society and joining other civil activists working to defend their fellow countrymen’s rights is a very significant development and I think the rulers cannot tolerate this, hence the severe crackdown on these education-deprived students. Dorsa Sobhani was also a One Million Signatures Campaign activist in Sari.

Crackdowns on the Right to Education activists is not unprecedented. Currently members of the Council to Defend the Right to Education are also in prison. Zia Nabavi, Majid Dorri, Saeed Jalalifar, Mahdieh Golroo, and Shiva Nazar Ahari are the ones in prison now.

What do you think about the recent remarks by Minister of Science, in which he said those who do not share the regime’s views–more specifically those who do not have practical commitment to Islam and Velayat-e Faghih–will be dismissed from universities?

Hessam Misaghi: Such an approach is in contradiction to international human rights standards and shows the short-sightedness of a regime which does not accept any opposite views. In a country where the entire nation think the same way, no progress will be achieved. It is through criticism and challenge that new ideas are heard and progress is achieved.

What do you think these remarks could bring student political activists?

Hessam Misaghi: Such statements will only intensify the ruling oppression in the society and will increase pressure on student and civil activists. Consequently, security organizations would also confront harder, as we are witnessing, even though many students are already in prison. Now we see even those who have never been allowed to enter the universities despite their efforts for gaining admission are also arrested.

Can you provide more details about Dorsa Sobhani?

Hessam Misaghi: Dorsa is 20 years old. Her father was threatened by telling him that if Dorsa did not turn herself in on Saturday, they would arrest his wife and their younger daughter.

Dorsa’s father said that two days ago, when he left his home, six men waiting outside his home told him that he had to go with them. They then transferred him to an unknown location. He was handcuffed and blindfolded and interrogated for four hours during which he was threatened. I already told you about threats. Dorsa has to turn herself in on Saturday, otherwise her family will be arrested and her home will be confiscated.

Where was Dorsa?

Hessam Misaghi: Dorsa had taken a trip to (…) on the day the officers stormed their home at night.

Is she back now?

Hessam Mishaghi: They have told her father that she should return and turn herself in tomorrow. She will most likely be arrested.

What is her charge?

Hessam Misaghi: They didn’t say anything about charges. They just said we have a warrant and we will explain the charges after arrest. In my and Sepehr’s cases, they informed us of the same charges as for the other Committee members, meaning “contact with MKO” and “moharebeh.”

Are you a Bahai yourself?

Hessam Misaghi: Yes, I am from a Bahai family. This was used in a Ministry of Science letter as grounds for my dismissal from Isfahan’s Sanaee University in 2008, after I had finished two terms studying English Translation. I should add that most of my classmates did not know anything about my being a Bahai, it had never been discussed.

How did they find out and expel you?

Hessam Misaghi: Usually Bahai students are dismissed after a ruling arrives from Ministry of Science’s Security Department. Tne Ministry of Intelligence has all the statistics on Bahai families; they identify [the students] and do the expulsion.

How do they get their statistics? Do families announce that they are Bahais?

Hessam Misaghi: Yes. Bahai’s don’t conceal their belief because it is forbidden for them. If someone asks them they announce that they are Bahais.

What happens if you object? Is there any source to respond to your objection?

Hessam Misaghi: Over the past years, objections have been registered with Ministry of Science, Evaluation Organization, and The Cultural Revolution Superior Council both in written form and in person. But the authorities do not answer at all and consider themselves not at fault.

Navid Khanjani and I even had a situation when last December 17th we went to Ministry of Science. We were detained in a room inside the Ministry of Science for a whole day. We were threatened and interrogated because we had found a confidential letter which Ministry of Science authorities didn’t want to leave the Ministry and we were not giving them the letter.

What was in the letter?

Hessam Misaghi: It was a letter in which it was clearly stated that dismissal of these students was on orders from Ministry of Science’s Security Department. The letter has been scanned and I can send you the file. I was so surprised when I heard Larijani’s statements. We have heard so many lies during these years but this was really surprising. How far can a government go to deny its actions? We are a generation who has heard years of lies and when we tried to expose the lies we ended up in prison, like Navid, Eeghan, Sama, and maybe even Dorsa…

Does the Committee only pertain to education-deprived students or does it also include the starred students?

Hessam Misaghi: We had starred students in our gatherings, too. Our gatherings were a tribune for all education-deprived students from all orientations.

Therefore your organization is only six months old and you have endured so much pressure?

Hessam Misaghi: Yes, that’s right.

You have been illegally barred from continuing your education. When responding to criticism about imprisoning Iranian Bahais and denying them the right to education, Javad Larijani denied it in Geneva. On the other hand, when you ask the authorities to be responsive, you are summoned and arrested. How does this make you feel?

Hessam Misaghi: With all these problems, and even though my best friends are in jail, I am still not disappointed, because I know people of Iran hear our voices. Iranians’ voices demanding their rights have been heard by the world for a while now. We are people who have never accepted injustice and have fought for regaining our rights until our last breaths.

The International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran believes that the Minister of Science’s remarks are completely against the principles expressed in the Iranian Constitution, and also in violation of the United Nations International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Iran is a signatory. Such statements demonstrate the intentions of a Minister inside Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s cabinet to deliberately violate the aforementioned laws, which can put many individuals’ lives in jeopardy and complicate situations at Iranian universities. When it was suggested that the caliber of Iranian academia has been diminishing, he added: “We have sufficient caring people and we are able to push out those who do not share the same direction as the regime and this action will not embarrass us.”

Campaign- The Minister of Science's statements create a serious concern that as in the past years--and more specifically the past 3 years--the right to education as a student or the right to employment as a university faculty member may be subjectively interpreted by university or security authorities and where students or faculty members are not in agreement and unison with government authorities' positions, they may lose their right to an education or to teach.

Remarks of the Minister of Science pertaining to the dismissal of students and faculty members on political grounds follow a few years of forced retirements or resignations after intimidation of humanities faculty members. Additionally, some undergraduate students who have had political activities permitted by Islamic Republic of Iran and Iranian universities’ laws have become “starred students,” deprived of continuing their education due to their political viewpoints, even though they have passed graduate school entry exams. These individuals have not had a chance to defend themselves in a fair court and there has never been a legal verdict about their deprivation of education. The Minister seems to have forgotten that according to the Iranian Constitution, people can only be deprived of social or political rights through instances stipulated by the law. According to Article 107 of Iranian Constitution, “The Leader is equal to other citizens in observing the law.”

Article 14, item 3 of the Iranian Constitution also expresses that the government is responsible for “maintaining the entire rights of individuals, whether men or women, and creating fair judicial security for all and equality of all in the face of law.”

Therefore the Minister of Science denies the the rights of students to an education or the rights of faculty member to teach at universities due to their ideas and thoughts, where according to the Iranian Constitution, only breaking the law can be grounds for prosecution. Only after an individual has been tried and found guilty in a fair court with a jury, can a decision be made to deprive him or her of social and political privileges. According to Iranian laws, the court’s decision may be appealed and so long as someone has not been found guilty, it is not possible to deprive him or her of social and political rights including higher education or teaching at Iranian universities.

In addition, the Minister of Science’s statements create a serious concern that as in the past years–and more specifically the past 3 years–the right to education as a student or the right to employment as a university faculty member may be subjectively interpreted by university or security authorities and where students or faculty members are not in agreement and unison with government authorities’ positions, they may lose their right to an education or to teach.

Even if students and faculty members have committed a crime, only under certain circumstances they may be deprived of an education or teaching, none of which is the way they think or their political positioning. Article 62 of the Islamic Penal Code states:

“A definite criminal conviction of intentional crimes as described below will deprive the convict of his social rights and after the stipulated duration is complete and the sentence has been carried out, the rights shall be restored:

1. Those sentenced to amputations in crimes that require physical punishment (hadd), five years after the sentence has been carried out.

2. Those sentenced to flogging in crimes that require physical punishment (hadd), one year after the sentence has been carried out.

3. Those sentenced to imprisonment of over three years, two years after the sentence has been carried out.

Mr. Daneshjoo’s statements are not addressed toward criminal individuals or those who have received a conviction, but dismissal for the way they think. Remarks of Iran’s Minister of Science are also a violation of Iran’s international obligations. Article 19 of United Nations’ International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,of which Iran is a State party, makes it clear:

Article 19
Everyone shall have the right to hold opinions without interference.
Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of his choice.
The exercise of the rights provided for in paragraph 2 of this article carries with it special duties and responsibilities. It may therefore be subject to certain restrictions, but these shall only be such as are provided by law and are necessary:
1. For respect of the rights or reputations of others;
2. For the protection of national security or of public order (ordre public), or of public health or morals.

Article 26 of the Convention makes it clear that all people are equal under the law and no one should be discriminated against because of their political opinion:

«All persons are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to the equal protection of the law. In this respect, the law shall prohibit any discrimination and guarantee to all persons equal and effective protection against discrimination on any ground such as race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.»

Remarks of the Minister of Science are also opposed to Article 18 of the Convention. According to this article:

«Everyone shall have the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. This right shall include freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice, and freedom, either individually or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in worship, observance, practice and teaching. No one shall be subject to coercion which would impair his freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice.»

For the reasons mentioned, the remarks of Kamran Daneshjoo, Minister of Science, are against the Constitution, the Islamic Penal Code, and Iran’s international obligations. Mr. Minister with his remarks has exposed the fact that all three mentioned obligations have been ignored by the government officials, and political motivation, inquisition, and limitation of freedom of expression and freedom of association will be intensified more than ever before during his management of the Ministry.

The men, who had an arrest warrant from the Tehran Judiciary, refused to show their identity cards to Lotfi. Reza Lotfi’s personal items such as his computer, his cell phone and those of his family members’ were among the items the officers took with them.

Mashad Ministry of Intelligence’s public information organization and Khorasan Razavi Province’s Police have disavowed knowledge about his arrest and no security organization has thus far taken responsibility for his arrest to answer questions. Reza Lotfi, a Mashad Azad University student and human rights activis,t was previously arrested and imprisoned for 20 days by the Mashad Ministry of Intelligence Office and his case is currently under review for the charge of “creating public anxiety” at a Mashad court. After three court sessions, it was expected that he would be acquitted of the charges. After his prior arrest and following threats and intimidation by security forces who put repeated pressure on his family, Reza Lotfi had suspended all his human rights, political, and social activities.

According to this source, Ministry of Intelligence authorities have promised his family that if they don’t get the media involved, they would somehow secure clemency for him from the Supreme Leader. Mohammad Valian’s father refrains from giving interviews and tells people who contact him for news that they have reached a wrong number. The Ministry of Intelligence has put pressure on Valian’s father to deny the news of his death sentence already published by an Iranian news agency. Valian’s family have gone to several authorities about the verdict over the past few days. There are some distinguished religious figures among those contacted. Valian’s family hope that they would be able to change their son’s death sentence.